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Friday, December 31, 2004

Which figures among the generation succeeding the companions occupy a more prominent place in hadith?

Which figures among the generation succeeding the companions occupy a more prominent place in hadith?
Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib
The foremost in Tradition, jurisprudence and the Qur’anic interpretation among the blessed generation succeeding the Companions was Sa‘id ibn al-Mussayyib. He was born fifteen years after the Hijra during the Caliphate of ‘Umar and had the opportunity to meet most of the Companions including, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman and ‘Ali.
Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib was a genius in meditation, reflection and memory. He was also famous for his piety, righteousness and profound devotion to God. Everyone accepted him, during his lifetime, as the greatest figure in the field of Tradition.
Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib began, as did Hasan al-Basri in Basra, to give opinions and deliver verdicts on legal matters at the early age of around twenty. The Companions admired him greatly. On one occasion, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Umar remarked: ‘If God’s Messenger had seen that young man, he would have been very pleased with him.’199
He was extremely careful in performing his daily prayers in congregation in the mosque. ‘I have always said the opening takbir (Allahu akbar) of the daily prayers just following the imam (leader of the prayer) for fifty years’, he used to say.2005 He never neglected even a single commandment of the Sunna. Once, he was ill and doctors advised him to stay in the valley of ‘Aqiq for one month. However, he objected: ‘Then, how can I come to the mosque for the prayers of night and dawn?’ He was not content to perform the prescribed prayers anywhere except in the Prophet’s Mosque.201
He did not take the oath of allegiance to the Caliph Walid. Although Hisham, the governor of Madina, had him beaten every day until the stick was broken, he did not yield. When his friends, such as Masruq and Tawus, advised him to give an oral consent to Walid’s caliphate in order to be saved from being beaten, he used to answer: ‘People follow us in acting. If we consent, how will we be able to explain this to them?’202
Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib married the daughter of Abu Hurayra in order to be nearer to him and to learn better the Traditions that he narrated. The Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik appealed to him marry his daughter (born of his marriage to Abu Hurayra’s daughter) to his son, Hisham. Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib refused and, in the face of increasing pressures and threats, he offered her to Ibn Abi Wada’, who stayed in the madrasa, the school-building.203
Imam Shafi‘i took as unquestionably authentic the Traditions that Sa‘id ibn al-Mussayyib narrated without mentioning the Companion from whom he received them. This means that, in the view of Imam Shafi‘i, Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib was of the same rank as the Companions in knowledge and narration of the Prophetic Traditions. Among those who received Traditions from Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib, Ata’ ibn Abi Rabah, Qatada, Muhammad al-Baqir, a great grandson of Ali’s, Zuhri and Yahya ibn Sa‘id al-Ansari, are worthy of special mention.
199. M, ‘Ajjaj al-Khatib, al-Sunna Qabl al-Tadwin, 485.
200. Abu Nu‘aym, Hilya, 1.163.
201. Ibid., 2.172.
202. I. Sa‘d, Tabaqat, 5.126.
203. Ibid., 5.138; Dhahabi, Siyaru A’lam al-Nubala’, 4.234.
Alqama ibn Qays al-Nakha’i
Basra was honored, during the time of the blessed generation succeeding the Companions, by, in particular, Hasan al-Basri, the Yemen by Tawus ibn Qaysan, Madina by Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib, and Kufa by Alqama ibn Qays al-Nakha’i.
Kufa was first enlightened by ‘Abdullah ibn Mas‘ud during the Caliphate of ‘Umar, and then directly by ‘Ali, the fourth Caliph, who transferred the center of the Caliphate there. This gave Alqama a splendid opportunity to meet many Companions to learn the life and Traditions of God’s Messenger at first hand.
Alqama is the founder of the School of Kufa in Islamic religious sciences. Those who saw him remembered ‘Abdullah ibn Mas‘ud. Alqama followed in the footsteps of Ibn Mas‘ud in praying and conduct, in practising Islam as a whole. ‘Amr ibn Shurahbil, who was among the great scholars who narrated Traditions from Alqama, frequently suggested to those near him: ‘Come and let us go to the one who resembles Ibn Mas‘ud the most in conduct and attitudes.’204 Ibn Mas‘ud represented God’s Messenger wholly. As the Messenger desired to listen to Ibn Mas’ud’s recitation of the Qur’an, so also Ibn Mas’ud liked to listen to Alqama.205
Imam Abu Hanifa, who is generally accepted as the greatest of Muslim jurists, one also famous for his piety and austerity, admired Alqama so much that he used to comment: ‘Alqama is probably more profound in [knowledge] of Tradition and jurisprudence than some Companions.’
One day, a man came to Alqama and insulted him very greatly; the illustrious scholar showed no indignation and, after the man had finished his impudence, recited, in reply, the verse:
Those who hurt believing men and believing women, without their having earned it, have laid upon themselves calumny and manifest sin. (al-Ahzab, 33.58)
The man retorted: ‘Are you a believer?’ Alqama answered humbly: ‘I hope so.’206
Alqama struggled with falsehood in his time and did not obey the wrongdoing administrators among the Umayyads. As he himself received Traditions from hundreds of Companions, many leading figures among his own and succeeding generations also narrated from him. Alqama brought up the most illustrious scholars of the Kufan School such as Aswad ibn Yazid al-Nakha’i, Ibrahim al-Nakha’i and Hammad ibn Abi Sulayman, and made Kufa into a propitious ethos for the upbringing of Sufyan al-Thawri, Abu Hanifa and many others.
204. I. Sa’d, 6.86; Abu Nu‘aym, 2.98.
205. I. Sa‘d, 6.90–1.
206. I. Sa‘d, 6.86; Abu Nu‘aym, 2.100.
‘Urwa ibn Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam
‘Urwa was born the son of Zubayr ibn al-Awwam, one of those ten for whom Paradise was promised while alive, and the son of the Prophet’s paternal aunt, Safiyya, and his mother was Asma’, the daughter of Abu Bakr, and who spent much of her life with ‘A’isha, Mother of Believers.
‘Urwa can be regarded as a student of ‘A’isha, his aunt. He was also taught by Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib, who was seven or eight years older than himself.
‘Urwa was one of the seven greatest jurists of his time. Most of the Traditions narrated by ‘A’isha were transmitted by him to succeeding generations. He also received Traditions from ‘Ali, ‘Umar, Ibn ‘Abbas, Abu Ayyub al-Ansari and many other Companions. From ‘Urwa, many illustrious figures of succeeding generations, like Qatada ibn Di‘ama, Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri, Yahya ibn Sa‘id al-Ansari and Zayd ibn Aslam, narrated.
‘Urwa, like his contemporaries, was extremely pious. One of his feet became gangrenous and while it was being amputated with a saw, he made no complaints at all and only the verse, We have encountered weariness from this journey of ours (al-Kahf, 18.62), came out of his mouth. When one of his four sons died some time later, ‘Urwa stretched his arms before the Ka‘ba and glorified God, saying: ‘O God! You gave me four limbs, two arms and two legs, and four sons. You have taken one from both groups and left to me the remaining three. Many thousands of thanks be to You!’207
‘Urwa was certainly included in the meaning of the verse, God is well-pleased with them, and they are well-pleased with Him (al-Bayyina, 98.8).
207. Abu Nu‘aym, 2.179.
Muhammad ibn Muslim ibn Shihab al-Zuhri
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri is the one from whom one fourth of the Prophetic Traditions were narrated among the first generation following the Companions. His father, Muslim, had struggled against the Umayyads, particularly against Hajjaj. That is why the Umayyad government usually kept him under surveillance – he did not, as alleged, support the Umayyads.
Like the others who were honoured by God as the most reliable narrators of the Prophetic Traditions, Ibn Shibab al-Zuhri had an extraordinarily keen memory. He memorized the Qur’an before he was seven in only eight days, and he was eighteen years old when he began to do ijtihad, that is, to deliver verdicts on Islamic religious or legal matters, on the basis of principles laid down in the Qur’an and the Sunna of the Prophet, upon him be peace and blessings. There was nothing he would forget after he had learned it: ‘I have betrayed nothing which God put in my heart as a trust’, he used to say.208
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri got his first education from Sa‘id ibn al-Musayyib, who taught him for eight years. He was also taught by ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Utba, who was one of the seven leading jurists of the time.
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri dedicated himself wholly to Hadith. He says: ‘I have shuttled between Hijaz and Damascus for forty years for the sake of Hadith.’209
Some accuse Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri of having flattered the Umayyads. This is merely a lie contradicted by historical facts. It is true that he tutored the sons of Caliph Hisham. However, this is not a fault and does not mean that he supported the Umayyads. He should, by contrast, be praised since he tried to guide the future rulers of the Muslim community to truth.
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri was the son of Muslim ibn Shihab, who supported ‘Abdullah ibn Zubayr who fought against the Umayyads for many years. In his first meeting with Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri , the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik reminded him of this fact. But Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri never feared to speak the truth to the Umayyad rulers. Some of the Umayyads alleged that it is ‘Ali who is referred to in as for him among them who took upon himself the greater part of it, a mighty chastisement awaits him, coming after Those who came with slander are a band of you; do not reckon it evil for you; rather it is good for you. Every man of them shall have the sin that he has earned charged to him (al-Nur, 24.11), which was revealed on the occasion of the slander against ‘A’isha, Mother of Believers. This was, of course, a great calumny against ‘Ali. Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri openly stated in the Umayyad court that the sentence in question refers to ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul, the head of the hypocritical band in Madina. When the Caliph frowned at him, Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri retorted: ‘May you be left without a father! I swear by God that if a herald were to announce from heaven that God allows lying, I would not lie at all!’210
Although Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri defended ‘Ali in the court of the Umayyads against the Caliph, he was first accused of fabricating Traditions in favour of the Umayyads by Ya‘qubi, a Shi‘ite historian, as was Abu Hurayra by another Shi‘ite called Abu Ja‘far al-Iskafi. According to the false account of Ya‘qubi, the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik had Masjid al-Aqsa’ in Quds repaired in order to encourage the Muslims to circumambulate it instead of the Ka‘ba, and asked Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri to fabricate a Tradition to that effect. Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri was supposed to have fabricated: It is not worth travelling [for prayer] except to the three mosques: Masjid al-Haram, Masjid al-Aqsa’ and my Masjid here.
I argued in favor of the authenticity of this hadith earlier in this book. In fact, Ya‘qubi laid himself open to ridicule through such an unreasonable account. No history book whether belonging to the Christians or Jews or the Muslims, has ever recorded that Masjid al-Aqsa’ has been circumambulated as the Ka‘ba is. Second, the Qur’an itself extols Masjid al-Aqsa’ and the Muslims revere it. Therefore, it does not need a fabrication for it to be revered by the Muslims. Third, not only the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik, but also the Caliph ‘Umar, Nur al-Din al-Zangi and Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi had it repaired. Fourth, it is impossible that Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri met ‘Abd al-Malik during his reign and fabricated a hadith for him against whom his own father (in the company of ‘Abdullah ibn Zubayr) was fighting. Besides, Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri was not famous as a Traditionist during the same period, and it was during the Caliphate, and upon the order of, the Caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz that he started the formal compilation of the Traditions. Fifth, ‘Abd al-Malik was not the sort of man to have attempted such an absurd fraud. Before his Caliphate, he was very pious and an authority in Tradition; he was well acquainted with the scholars among his generation. Although he did not succeed, while Caliph, in retaining former reputation among scholars for piety, he cannot have lowered himself so far to make an attempt to fabricate a hadith.
Despite its absurdity, Goldziher, an Orientalist who tried during his whole life to undermine the second source of Islam –the Sunna – took this account of Ya‘qubi as an opportunity to defame Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri, who was the first formal compiler of the Traditions and narrated a quarter of them. Modern so-called researchers in the Muslim world, such as Ahmad Amin, ‘Ali Hasan ‘Abd al-Qadir and Abu Rayya, who are, in fact, spokesmen of the Orientalists, have repeated the same. While the science of Hadith, unparalleled in history, is founded on the most secure and sound pillars and whose real sources are there for anyone unprejudiced to study, Goldziher and his followers have based themselves on folkloric and poetical books such as ‘Iqd al-Farid and al-Aghani (Songs) and books on animals like Kitab al-Hayawan, all of which have nothing to do with Hadith and do not have any kind of scientific approach.
Ibn Shihab al-Zuhri is one of the greatest authorities on Hadith. The leading critics of Hadith such as Ibn al-Madini, Ibn Hibban, Abu Khatim, Hafiz al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani are all agreed upon his indisputable authority. He received Traditions from many Companions and numerous scholars among the first and second generations after the Companions narrated from him.
Among the blessed generation succeeding the Companions are many others worthy of mention, like Aswad ibn Yazid al-Nakha’i, Nafi‘, the teacher of Imam Malik, the founder of the Maliki School of Law, and Tawus ibn Qaysan, who did not sleep for forty years between the night and dawn prayers. However, the scope of this book does not allow me to go into further details.
208. Abu Nu‘aym, 3.364; Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, 1.109.
209. Ibn Kathir, 9.375.
210. M. ‘Ajjaj al-Khatib, 509–10.

Saudi Aramco World : Flight of the Blackbird

Saudi Aramco World : Flight of the Blackbird

Global Islamic Hejric Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz 12-15-04.doc

Assalam o Alikum WrWb.

In a few days time I will be faxing the calendar proposal to the office of the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, OIC headquarters in Jeddah, the King Faizal Foundation and the Saudi Embassy in Washington D.C.

Br. Odeh fowarded the document to the respective brothers of JAS, ICOP and AUASS for their review, imput and permission. No one has reply so far. I am hoping no news is good news. Please send your suggestions ASAP since I will be sending the document in a few days time, InshaAllah.

With the exception of Br. Saleh Al Saab, not one of our brothers at KACST has replied to the previous email either on a positive or negative note. This is sad to say. From my experience Non-Muslims have responded to my emails when compared to some brothers at KACST. I wonder if everyone is so busy or trying to find unity among Muslims of the Ummah is not important. Sometimes I wonder if all these email addresses at KACST are not working.

Br. Saleh Al Saab you are a true Muslims Ambassador for your country Saudi Arabia and the Ummah. May Allah (SWT) reward you and all others who strive to achieve these ends.

May Allah (SWT) grant Muslims and Non-Muslims the strength to cope with the trials and suffering in South East Asia and other parts of the world.


Mohammad Odeh wrote:
Assalamu Alykom Dr. Hafiz,Thank you for your continuos efforts, which I really do appreciate and support. However, I have only small comment, where you always place the logos of AUASS, JAS, and ICOP in your letters. Actually each ofthese logos shouldn't be added unless we have the agreement from the related organization. For example, in order to be able to place the logo of the AUASS, then you have to send the letter to the Crescents,Calendars, and Mawaqeet Committee of the AUASS to discuss it at first. As for JAS, it should be passed to the Crescents Observation and Mawaqeet Committee of JAS. Lastly as for ICOP, it should be sent to theConsulting Board of ICOP.Once again, I truly do appreciate your kind efforts.Moh'dBest Regards**********************************************************************Mohammad Shawkat OdehJordanian Astronomical Society (JAS)P.O. Box 224, Blue Tower BuildingKhalifa Street, Abu-Dhabi, UAEMobile: (00971) 50-8215336modeh@jas.org.joJAS URL: http://www.jas.org.jo/JAS WAP: http://www.jas.org.jo/wap/**********************************************************************muhammad hafiz wrote:> Assalam o Alikum WrWb.>> Dear H.E Dr. Saleh Al Athel, H.E/Prince Dr. Turky Bin> Saud, Dr. Zaki Al Mostafa, Dr. Saleh Al Saab, Dr.> Hassan Basurah, Dr. Tariq Al Khalefah and Mr. Kazim>> For the past 100 years the Muslim Ummah has been> divided in our dates etc. Eid Ul Fitir 1425 AH in> Saudi Arabia demonstrated this point clearly (6> Official Hilaal Committee did not observe the Hilaal> since the moonset before the sun at lease 9 minutes> all over the Kingdom) yet the month was started. It is> obvious much work needs to be done so as to find a> middle ground in which we can become united as an> Ummah.>> Enclosed in the attachment is a: Global Islamic Hejric> Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul> Aziz referenced at Makkah (to mark his 23rd> anniversary for his services to Saudi Arabia and the> Ummah). We humbly invite your reviews, suggestions and> collaboration to the attached documents, in order to> make this proposal a success. A copy of this document> was already faxed to the office of H.E Dr. Saleh Al> Athel.>> The Ulema Council of North America and other Major> Islamic organizations representing millions of Muslims> in North America, South America, Caribbean, Europe,> Australia, etc, have dreamed of unity with Saudi> Arabia and are more than willing to collaborate with> KACST and Saudi Arabia to implement this convention> referenced at Makkah. After years of hard work and> convincing, the major organizations have agreed to> collaborate and follow this convention at Makkah. Now> we ask all of you to help us make this a reality so> that we can become united. The Um Al Qura Committee> has taken much action in the past years and reduced> the differences in dates from 2-3 days and today being> 1 day etc. We ask you to take the final step and> reduce this 1-day difference by instituting a Global> Islamic Hejric Calendar that can be followed by all> Muslims throughout the world.>> InshaAllah, the letter to His Majesty and Global> Calendar proposition will be translated into Arabic> and delivered to His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul> Aziz, the Crown Prince, Prince Bandar (Saudi> Ambassador to the USA) and the King Faizal Foundation.> We will ask the King Faizal Foundation to render a> special award/acknowledgement to His Majesty in the> form of reinstituting a Global Islamic Hejric Calendar> referenced at Makkah to mark 23 years of service to> Saudi Arabia and the Ummah. Of course, for this to> happen we need you review and vital collaboration of> the attached proposal. We are hoping we can work> together to finalize this proposal that all of us can> implement, before we proceed to schedule a conference> on the implementation process.>> The Muslims throughout the Ummah await your collective> assistance.>> Please respond as soon as possible since we will begin> the translation process in a few days.>> May Allah (SWT) reward you.>> Wassalam>> Dr. M.Hafiz>> ------------------------------------------------------------------------> Name: Global Islamic Hejric Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz 12-15-04.doc> Global Islamic Hejric Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz 12-15-04.doc Type: WINWORD File (application/msword)> Encoding: base64> Description: Global Islamic Hejric Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz 12-15-04.doc--> ATTACHMENT part 2 application/msword name=Global Islamic Hejric Calendar Proposal for His Majesty King Fahad Ibn Abdul Aziz 12-15-04.doc
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Amazon.com: Books: In Defense of Internment: The Case for 'Racial Profiling' in World War II and the War on Terror

Amazon.com: Books: In Defense of Internment: The Case for 'Racial Profiling' in World War II and the War on Terror

Green Tea

Green Tea

Do the Deceased Attend Dhikr Gatherings?

Do the Deceased Attend Dhikr Gatherings?

Amazon.com: Books: In Defense of Internment: The Case for 'Racial Profiling' in World War II and the War on Terror

Amazon.com: Books: In Defense of Internment: The Case for 'Racial Profiling' in World War II and the War on Terror

Why the Japanese Internment Still Matters - article by Daniel Pipes

Why the Japanese Internment Still Matters - article by Daniel Pipes

Thursday, December 30, 2004

support of all the phenomena of spiritism and of the spiritistic explanation of them

support of all the phenomena of spiritism and of the spiritistic explanation of them

support of all the phenomena of spiritism and of the spiritistic explanation of them

support of all the phenomena of spiritism and of the spiritistic explanation of them

Collective Rights or Community Rights?

Collective Rights Urgent Action Bulletin (February 2004)

Special Report - No. 35

Special Report - No. 35

SUNY Press :: Islam in Black America

SUNY Press :: Islam in Black America

Osama bin Ladin December 16 2004-English Translation

Special Dispatch Series - No. 838

Aljazeera.Net - Taliban kill Afghan policemen

Aljazeera.Net - Taliban kill Afghan policemen

Collective Rights Urgent Action Bulletin (February 2004)

Collective Rights Urgent Action Bulletin (February 2004)

Wednesday, December 29, 2004

BBC NEWS | Americas | Mixed views on UN indigenous decade

BBC NEWS | Americas | Mixed views on UN indigenous decade

Duke-UNC Graduate Student Conference

Duke-UNC Graduate Student Conference

National Religious Leader's Forum-Constitution

PO Box 93642, Yeoville 2143
Tel/Fax: (011) 648-5948
Email: nrlf@telkomsa.net


The National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall be a body representative of the various faith communities of South Africa.


A.1 The Forum commits itself to mobilise religious leadership and its constituents to work towards moral regeneration of the citizens of South Africa and to develop a consensus to:

A.2 act jointly on behalf of the faith communities in approaching government and other relevant parties on common issues in order to safeguard moral standards;

A.3 approach government where this is considered necessary to protect the religious rights of citizens;

A.4 encourage members of faith communities to become actively involved in nation building;

A.5 work actively and, where possible, jointly to relieve the widespread poverty in South Africa and to tackle its root causes;

A.6 promote understanding of the basic tenets of each faith among the diverse faith communities of our country and to foster good relationships amongst them all.


B.1 Membership of the National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall be open to any religious group in South Africa that operates at a national level and in at least three provinces, and that accepts the above guiding principles.

B.2 The National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall operate by consensus whenever possible. When voting is necessary at plenary meetings each faith group shall have one vote except Christianity which shall have four because of its large number of adherents in South Africa.

B.3 Application for membership shall be lodged with the Secretary and shall be decided by the Executive Committee, who may delegate consideration of applications to the Working Committee.

B.4 Membership fees shall be R500 per annum per organisation, subject to periodic review.


C.1 The National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall consist of representatives of its member organisations. It shall meet in plenary session convened for this purpose at least once a year.

C.2 The plenary meeting shall be the authoritative decision-making body of the Forum.

C.3 Observers may be admitted to National Religious Leaders’ Forum meetings but shall have no voting rights.

C.4 The National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall elect an Executive Committee which shall hold office for two years. Members shall be eligible for re-election.

C.5 The representatives of each faith group shall elect their member(s) of the Executive


D.1 The Executive Committee shall consist of between 7 and 15 members who shall carry on the work of the National Religious Leaders’ Forum between plenary National Religious Leaders’ Forum meetings.

D.2 The Executive Committee shall meet at least three times a year.

D.3 The Executive Committee shall have at least one representative of each of the African Traditional Religion, Baha’i, Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish and Muslim faiths. Christian representation on the Executive Committee shall be three members.

D.4 The Executive Committee shall elect a chairperson and a deputy chairperson.

D.5 The Executive Committee shall appoint a Working Committee of at least eight members.


E.1 The Working Committee, which shall also be representative, shall meet regularly, and shall be responsible for the day-to-day running of the National Religious Leaders’ Forum.

E.2 It shall also ensure that an annual report on the activities of the National Religious Leaders’ Forum shall be presented to the annual plenary National Religious Leaders’ Forum meeting.


F.1 The Working Committee shall appoint a part-time Secretary to assist in the efficient running of the National Religious Leaders’ Forum and its committees. S/he shall also attend all Working Committee meetings. The appointment shall be ratified by the Executive Committee.


G.1 The Executive Committee shall ensure the keeping of proper financial records and the operation of a bank account.

G.2 Signatories shall be any two of: a member of the Executive Committee, two members of the Working Committee and the Secretary.

G.3 Annual accounts that have been independently audited shall be presented to the annual plenary meeting.


H.1 These Rules of Procedure shall come into force when accepted at a National Religious Leaders’ Forum plenary meeting.

H.2 They may be amended by a two-thirds majority of votes at a National Religious Leaders’ Forum plenary meeting, provided at least one month’s notice of the proposed amendments has been given to the members.

Verifiable Transmission (Isnad) and the Sects in Islamic Learning

Verifiable Transmission (Isnad) and the Sects in Islamic Learning

Shark-Eating Muslims?

Shark-Eating Muslims?
Answered by Shaykh Sikander Hashmi

In the name of Allah, Most Compassionate, Most Merciful

In the Hanafi madhab, all fish are Halal. Sharks are defined as "...any of several fast-swimming, generally large fish...". (MSN Encarta; http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761552860/Shark.html)

Since sharks are fish and all fish are Halal, sharks are also Halal. Allama Damiri (RA) has also classified sharks as fish in his work, Hayatul Hayawan.

Verily, Allah knows best.
Sikander Ziad Hashmi
Montreal, Canada
[eat-halal.com ~ trying to help Muslims eat Halal]

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Saturday, December 25, 2004

Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani and the Democratization of Post Saddam Iraq-Babak Rahimi

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Published by the GLORIA Center
Volume 8, No. 4, Article 2 - December 2004


Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani and the Democratization of Post-Saddam Iraq
By Babak Rahimi
This paper describes the importance of Ayatollah Sistani and his religious network in shaping post-Saddam Iraq. This study shows how a moderate form Shi'i Islam can form a powerful web of networks that could strengthen a future Shi'i civil society in southern Iraq, playing a crucial role in the building of democratic governance at the local level in major southern Iraqi cities.

On August 26, 2004, after three weeks of intense fighting between the Mahdi Army militia and U.S. and Iraqi forces around the Imam Ali Mosque in Najaf, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani brokered a cease-fire deal with the radical Shi'i cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. In doing so, Sistani demonstrated that he will play a pivotal role in the post-Saddam Iraq.[1]

In a show of strength against the young upstart Sadr, the 74-year-old Ayatollah has shown once again to the Interim Government (IIG) and Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) that he is a man to be reckoned with, someone who must play a crucial role for there to be a peaceful transition to anything resembling democracy in Iraq. Sistani's influence and his traditional authority as a Maraji at-taqlid (a source of imitation for those following the religious rulings of a prominent mujtahid or scholar) continues to demonstrate that he is the most respected and influential man in the country, appearing to foster a more "moderate" form of Shi'i Islam and promoting the cause of democracy.

However, the ayatollah's extent of influence in advancing a democratic polity in Iraq continues to be a topic of debate. Although his approval of the January 2005 election was welcomed, Sistani's disapproval of the interim constitution (Transitional Administrative Law) and challenge to the United States regarding the post-interim electoral system and subsequent call for Iraqis to protest has raised concerns about the possible negative aspects of his influence.

For the most part, the overriding question is to what extent could Sistani's authority be a positive factor in the democratization of Iraq? Is it the case, as Juan Cole and Yitzhak Nakash have suggested, that the ayatollah's alleged adherence to "quietist" Shi'ism helps promote democracy?[2] Could Sistani, in the words of a senior U.S. intelligence official, "Prove to be one of the bigger forces of stability" bringing about a peaceful transition to democracy?[3] Or is it true, as Reuel Marc Gerecht has argued, that the ayatollah's influence will "become a Trojan horse for hardcore Iranian clerical influence throughout Iraq," jeopardizing the transition of democracy in the country?[4]

It is evident that Sistani and his expanding organizational network has proved to play a positive role in the expansion of an Iraqi civil society throughout the country's southern urban regions. The development of such a powerful civic religious organization could be integral not only for the stability of the country, but also for the advancement of independent institutional and cultural elements organized along civic lines.

However, while the authority and legitimacy of the IIG continues to be threatened by militant uprising throughout the country, the perils of Sistani's influence could lie in the potential to influence the drafting of a permanent Constitution in 2005 along Shari'a-based lines. The danger to a full-fledged democracy in Iraq could also lie in the ayatollah's possible meddling with the future judicial branch, on which the legal protection of an inclusive and a pluralistic polity ultimately depends.

Before examining Sistani's influence, however, it is necessary first to consider the political dimensions of Shi'i Islam--in particular its political-theology of state and authority.


There is a sense in which one can argue that Sistani clearly adheres to a "quietist" tradition in (Twelver) Shi'i Islam. Like his mentor, Ayatollah Abu'l-Qasim Musawi Khoe'i, Sistani's earlier severed relation to the Ba'thist regime in the 1990s demonstrates that he represents the classical, non-activist tradition, which discourages the mujtahid from any interference with political matters at the state level. In this regard, Sistani can be identified with other prominent quietist Shi'i maraji at-taqlid, namely Ayatollah Husayn Tabatab'i Burujirdi and his successors, Ayatollahs Sayyid Kazim Shari'atmadari, Muhammad Reza Gulpayagani and Shihabu'd-Din Mar'ashi-Najafi, who refrained from claiming political authority and temporal rule.

According to this tradition, which has always been accepted by the majority of mujtahids, a cleric's job is to study and teach theology, law, and ethics. He requests that the principles of Islam, revealed in the holy scriptures and traditions of the Prophet and the Imams, be respected in public life; but he neither demands to participate in the government nor presumes to exercise control over the state. As the general representative or the Na'ib al-'Amm of the Hidden Imam, Mahdi, who is believed to have gone into the "Greater Occultation" in 941, Sistani can remain totally aloof from all political matters. However, at a time of moral decadence and political corruption, or a time of great injustice, he can become more active in politics by limiting himself to advice, guidance, and the implication of sacred law in public life.

The dynamics between quietist and activist forms of Shi'ism is highly complicated and a study of this topic goes well beyond the scope of this article. However, the key point to bear in mind is that the degree of authority that a mujtahid can exercise in political matters has never been clearly defined in the history of Shi'i Islam. This is predominantly the case because what determines the level of political participation by a Shi'i cleric primarily depends on the particular historical and social settings the mujtahid confronts, giving him a certain leeway in creatively overcoming problems according to his use of reason ('aql) regarding the best application of divine law. In other words, discussing the politics of Shi'i Islam in terms of dichotomies, namely "activism" or "quietism," can be misleading.

An example of this flexibility and shift between activism and quietism among the Shi'i hierarchy is best identified in Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's political theology. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Khomeini's involvement in politics resembled the more quasi-activist tradition of Shi'ism, which sought cooperation with the state in order to help the government be grounded on Islamic law and promote justice in society. According to this tradition, which mainly emerged under Qajar rule in nineteenth-century Iran, the mujtahid is allowed to accept the spiritual legitimacy of the worldly rulers, provided that they act benevolently and justly in accordance with Shari'a.

However with the increasing influence of the United States in Iran and the economic and moral consequences of the White Revolution, which threatened the feudal property rights of the absentee landlords and the moral status of the ulamas, Khomeini began to invent a more activist political theology. This activism involved a call for the reform of the temporal power, replacing it with the governance of the fuqhaha (jurists) in terms of ulama authority, an innovative political philosophy that later became known as the doctrine of Vilayat-i Faqih. The central point about Khomeini's change of approach to political activism derived mainly in a shifting political situation that created conditions in which the ayatollah felt the need to initiate a new political philosophy, challenging centuries of traditional Shi'i political thought.[5]


In the case of Sistani, we can also see a change of attitude from a more quietist pre-Saddam position to a more activist one. His message to the Interim Deputy Prime Minster Barhm Saleh, in which he stated that the January elections should be held as scheduled and that he would "advise the faithful to take active part," is a strong indicator of how the Grand Ayatollah is politically engaged in the current political process in Iraq.[6]

There is, however, a major difference between Khomeini and Sistani's type of political activism. Khomeini called for the creation of an Islamic state, made up by the legal and the public spheres operating in accordance with the Shari'a, along with a system of governance (state) in which the mujtahids led the political affairs. Sistani, in contrast, envisages active participation of the ulama and the faithful in the public and legal spheres, though refraining from political involvement in the governmental apparatus (i.e., the state).[7] Unlike other Shi'i Islamist groups like the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution (SCIRI) or the al-Da'wa Party, Sistani discourages participation of the clergy in the state. It is, therefore, in the two former spheres, the public and the legal, that we should examine the role of Sistani in the democratization of Iraq.


The most significant contribution that Sistani and his type of political activism could provide in democratization and peace-making in the country lies in its potential to strengthen Iraqi civil society. This refers to the ways in which Sistani's growing network organization in southern cities like Amarah, Basra, Karbala, Kufa, Najaf and Nasiriyah could cultivate grassroots political participation to enhance civil society that would be independent from the state but dependent on the Shi'i citizens of Iraq.

Sistani's network association consists of thousand of members and activists who operate a vast network of social services--ranging from schools (madras or hawza) to public endowments (waqf), from hospitals to libraries--that operate Baghdad and in southern Iraqi cities. As the most senior of the Shi'i ulama in Najaf's Hawza al-Ilmiyah or major seminary center, the revered Grand Ayatollah controls most of the seminaries with a large following of students in Iraq. These seminaries are funded through donations, which since May 2003 have financially grown stronger with the influx of foreign capital to the southern regions of the country.

Since the fall of Saddam, the Sistani network has emerged as the most organized religious association, with offices spread not only throughout Iraq, but also in Afghanistan, Britain, Iran, Syria, the United States and even Georgia. In addition to the Ayatollah's website, www.Sistani.com, which provides the faithful with information ranging from daily news to answers about practical questions of a religious nature, the Sistani organization also plans to create a satellite television program to compete with other Arab channels like al-Arabiya and al-Jazira.

With an approximate $5 million distributed in the form of stipends for students and teachers residing in cities like Karbala and Qum--coming mainly in donations from countries like India, Iran, Lebanon and Pakistan--the Najaf-based Sistani organization is growing with the ongoing transition of the Iraqi government.[8] Accordingly, as more pilgrims (mainly Iranians) make their way to the holy cities, the ayatollah's financial income through religious taxes is also likely to grow.[9] For the most part, Sistani remains as the preeminent and best-financed of the ayatollahs remaining in the city of Najaf, and by extension, in Iraq.[10]

In addition, Sistani and the Najaf-based Hawaza al-Ilmiyah are allied with SCIRI and its partner, Iraq's oldest Shi'i political party, al-Da'wa party. Sistani's recent call for a pan-Shi'i electoral alliance, in that now even includes the Sadrists, brings to light not only his influence but also the Ayatollah's potential power to expand his civic religious network across sectarian and political partisanship, which is unprecedented in Iraq's history. If successful, Sistani could lead an assorted alliance of Shi'i organizations, with the financial, political and spiritual authority to monitor over a vast religious network in southern Iraq.


Should a legitimate political state emerge in Iraq, accompanied by the provision of general security for its citizens, the following points identify Sistani's most significant potential contributions to the democratization of Iraq.

Since the fall of Baghdad in April 2003, the reemergence of Najaf as the center of Shi'i learning, with its non-Khomeinist notion of politics, has provided new prospects for a peaceful transition to democracy in Iraq. In this regard, the rise of an alternative Shi'i organization in Najaf could strengthen a moderate theology of political participation, creating a counterweight to the radical forces and Sadrist movement in areas like Sadr city (Baghdad) and Kufa. Thus, Sistani's stance provides an alternative to Shi'i Khomeinism and its messianic inclination for revolution.[11]

Second, the growth of the Sistani network could underpin cooperation between various moderate Shi'i organizations in Iraq and other countries in the region--most importantly Iran. This could, in conjunction with a new democratic state in Iraq, resurrect the long-held tradition of clerical non-involvement at the state level, in turn influencing Iranian ulama to support a change in the system there.[12] In a sense, Najaf could overshadow Qum, the current center of Khomeinist thinking, and provide the paramount source of religious authority for Shi'i Muslims, as it did in the nineteenth century.

Third, and most important, the development of the Sistani organization could restructure the fragile southern Iraqi public life into a strong civic order, diminishing the all-pervasive state administration of society evident in the Saddam era. The formation of diverse, independent Iraqi Shi'i network associations, with Sistani's organization among them, could lead to the crystallization of a Shi'i civil society unlike anything that ever existed before under Iraqi's authoritarian past. Coupled with the formation of various kinds of civic associations, including secularist Shi'i, Sunni Arab, and Kurdish organizations, Iraq could witness the rise of a robust civil society.

Central to the dynamics of a public Shi'i Islam, however, will be its potential to challenge the secularist liberal bias, in which democracy is assumed to embody a strict differentiation between the political and the religious spheres, with religion as a marginal and privatized phenomenon. In this regard, what the Sistani organization and its potential public role in the democratic culture of post-Saddam Iraq could involve is the formation of a civic polity that is neither a theocracy nor a liberal secular democracy. Rather, it can produce a democratic order in which public Islam is compatible with not only the principles of inclusion, competition, and accessibility, but also with the basic logic of democratic governance--namely, accountability and popular sovereignty.[13]


But before we hail Sistani's efforts in fostering a stable Shi'i civil society as the panacea to democratization in Iraq, a word of warning is in order. It should be recalled that the ayatollah rejected the March 2004 interim constitution not only because the veto guarantees enshrined in the constitution could constrain the power of the Shi'i or that the three-person presidential council (including a Shi'i, a Sunni and a Kurd) could be a recipe for religious and ethnic division, but mainly because, according to Sistani, the constitution did not respect Shari'a.

According to Sistani, the transfer of power to a sovereign Iraqi government should also maintain an Islamic character and entail the institutionalization of Shari'a at the legal level. The constitution should guarantee individual rights insofar as it is consistent "with the religious facts and the social values of the Iraqi people."[14] In other words, Sistani wants Islamic law to be the main legal source for a future democratic order.[15] How Islamic Sistani wants the future permanent constitution to be remains unclear, but it is most likely that he would like the Shari'a to be a major, if not the sole, source of legislation.

Although the provisional constitution drafted by the IIG refers to Islam as a source, not "the source" of legislation, Sistani appears to have plans to influence the legal institution. In a way, through his appointed clerics, mainly trained in his interpretation of Islamic law, Sistani could get involved in the judiciary rather than the executive or legislative branches. Sistani's recent opposition to the call by Sunni Arab and Kurdish political factions to postpone the January 30 elections underlines the Ayatollah's concern for possible delays of other important deadlines in 2005 related to the writing of the permanent constitution. As it appears, while leading to unite the Shi'i political factions, Sistani is more concerned about a swift push for drafting the constitution than merely making sure that elections are to take place on time.

If Sistani manages to play a central role in drafting the constitution, and hence gaining monopoly of the judicial branch, the Ayatollah's influence could then threaten pluralism and inclusion as protected by the constitution. Certain democratic principles such as freedom of expression could come under the danger of puritanical notions of moral conduct, enforcing certain rules and values grounded upon a set of religious rather than civic values and norms. Surely, it would be difficult to recognize Sistani's call for stern codes of punishment for theft (amputation), adultery (stoning), and apostasy (death penalty) for converting from Islam to another religion as a positive contribution to Iraqi's future democratic judicial system in the protection of civil liberties.[16]

The main problem in drafting of a permanent constitution for a new federated state will be the extent to which Shari'a, interpreted by Islamist groups like Sistani's Najaf-based organization, would appear as a predominant feature in the future Iraqi legal institution.

However, despite the fact that Shi'is constitute 60% of Iraq's population, there is evidence that Sistani's plan to influence the judiciary will, most likely, face stiff opposition from the Iraqi public. According to the most recent polls (November 2004), only 37.9% of Iraqis, mainly Sunnis, consent that "religion has a special role to play in the government."[17] It is interesting to note that most Iraqi Shi'is rejected the idea of Islamic government 66% to 27%. Although most Iraqis appear to strongly agree that "religious" candidates should become Iraq's future political leaders, the polls also show that most Iraqis want a separation between religious and state authority.[18]

But the exact "separation" between these two spheres of authority remains unknown, since the future Iraqi (permanent) constitution is yet to be drafted. Here, two scenarios are possible. If Sistani is successful to lead a strong pan-Shi'i electoral alliance in January 2005, hence marginalizing the Arab Sunni and Kurdish population, then we could see an increase of Shi'i Islamist influence at the electoral organizational level to shape the future Iraqi legal sphere. If Sistani, however, fails to put together a Shi'i alliance, the ayatollah could see his civic network and possible plans to draft a Shari'a based constitution marginalized in the coming political order. Under such circumstances, he might reject the newly elected government and feel compelled to call his followers to resist the new democratic political order and the occupation authorities for a future that may be determined by armed conflict involving the Shi'i population.

But the above-suggested scenarios are only speculations, which their reality cannot be determined until the end of elections next year. It remains to be seen how effectively Sistani will be able to wield his influence as a way of empowering the Shi'i Islamist groups; the chances are that he will be of great significance unless certain legal limitations are placed before he helps draft the constitution.


With these caveats in mind, however the most troubling aspect of Sistani's influence could lie with respect to the impact of his death. Since the 74-year-old cleric has not yet appointed a successor, it remains unclear what sort of political vacuum his death could create in the Shi'i Iraqi community.

Who will replace Sistani? The Qum-based Grand Ayatollah Kazem al-Haeri could emerge as a strong candidate. But Haeri's Khomeinist position, with a strong belief in the ideology of Velayat-i Faqih, could cause serious problem for the democratization of Iraq. Although Haeri could limit the growth of the Sadrist movement, the Iran-based ayatollah will nevertheless have a limited role in the future of the country. The Iraqi-based Grand Ayatollahs Muhammad Isahq Fayadh and Bashir Hussein al-Najafi, the two other Marja'at at-taqlids from the non-Khomeinist Shi'i school of thought, could also emerge as strong candidates. Although they are not at the level of Sistani, their status could increase with the death of Sistani, and correspondingly the influence of their organizations.

he main question though is whether Sistani will appoint a successor in a near future. Like his predecessor, Ayatollah Khoe'i, his ruling may come as the political situation in Iraq continues to face increasing security problems. The need to declare a successor by Sistani would therefore become more urgent in order to avoid the vacuum of religious leadership in the Shi'i community.


With these possible scenarios in mind, a few tentative conclusions may be drawn. Since the transition to democracy in Iraq has been sailing into a very turbulent sea of violence and a rising tide of factionalism and sectarianism, the attempt to foster a stable post-Saddam civil society with the backing of a centralized state will prove to be most challenging. Until such institutions take shape and attain legitimacy, an Iraqi Shi'i civil society will remain more theoretical than a reality. However, despite these problems, democracy's prospect has never been more favorable in Iraq.

With regard to the growth of civil society among the Shi'i population, it is far too early to tell what will take place in Iraq--especially after the death of Sistani. So far, it is the Sadrist movement that appears to gradually gain more strength with its ability to organize and mobilize the impoverished young Shi'i--especially in urban areas. The militant Sunni Islamists, too, have begun to show off their political clout, as Sunni cities like Ramadi continue to defy the rule of the IIG and the military power of the coalition forces--even with the onslaught of military operations in the city of Falluja.

But to what extent could Ayatollah Sistani influence Iraq's progress of democracy is likely to depend on how the IIG, and the coalition forces that enforce its activities, will manage the constitution and election questions, and how smoothly the transition can take place to establish a sovereign, elected Iraqi government.

In particular, the IIG will do well to consider both the negative and positive aspects of Sistani's authority for the future of Iraq and acknowledge its potential to foster civil society and create a full-fledged democracy, while simultaneously recognizing how his influence could also undermine a democratic political order. In broad terms, the transition of democracy in Iraq is going to need a careful cooperation between the state with various local and network organizations in the Sunni, Kurdish and Shi'i enclaves.

The process is going to be complicated and it will require an ongoing, thorough examination of the various emerging organizations that will lay the foundation for the future of Iraqi civil society. However, until a centralized federated state with a monopoly of indigenous military force is established, the prospects of democracy in Iraq will remain a distant glimmer.


[1] The present article, a preliminary version of which was read as a paper at the American Political Science Association Conference at Chicago September 2004, has benefited from the comments of a number of colleagues and professors. I would like to thank Svet Andreev, Anisseh Van Engelend Nourai, Ahmed Jiyad, Masoud Kazemzadeh, Rachael Rudolph, Karen Ruffle and Emma Swart for providing useful comments and critical feedback, enabling me to further clarify my arguments in the earlier version of the article.

[2] See Yitzhak Nakash, "Special Policy Forum Report: The Shi'is and the Future of the Iraq," The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, no. 719, http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/watch/Policywatch/policywatch 2003/719.htm, and Juan Cole's interview on PBS, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/iddle_east/july-dec03/iraq_12-02.html.

[3] "Dealing with the Cleric," Time, February 2, 2004.

[4] Reuel Marc Gerecht, "The Standoff with Iraqi Shiites over Direct Elections," American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, February, 2004, http://www.aei.org.

[5] For the best exposition of Khomeini's political activism, see Ervand Abrahamian, Khomeinism (London: I.B. Tauris, 1993).

[6] "Sistani Supports Elections," Arab News, October 29, 2004. Sistani has even claimed that failure to register is a "betrayal of the nation," declaring it a religious obligation. See "The election season begins," Economist, November 6, 2004.

[7] It is interesting to note that Ayatollah Sistani refused to take part in Khomeini's lectures during his stay in Najaf in the 1960s and 1970s. When Khomeini came to power in Iran after the 1979 revolution, the new regime confiscated Ayatollah Khoei's properties in Mashhad, where he was born in 1929, and threatened Sistani's relatives in Mashhad and the southeastern Iranian city of Zabol.

[8] For a rough account of Sistani's financial sources, see Sandro Magister, "Shiite Islam: The Grand Ayatollah Sistani Wants Najaf as the Capital," April, 3, 2004, http://www.chiesa. The monetary income of the Sistani organization is unknown; the actual number is yet to be determined.

[9] Vali Nasr, "Understanding Sistani's Role," Washington Post, April 19, 2004.

[10] Although the precise financial income of the organization remains unknown, it is most likely the case that, being the most influential of all Iraq's Shi'i clerics, Sistani maintains the highest source of revenues from his followers around the world on an annual basis.

[11] For a study of the Sadrists as a sectarian youth movement, see Juan Cole, "The United States and Shi'ites Religious Factions in Post-Ba'thist Iraq," Middle East Journal, Vol. 57, No. 4, autumn 2003.

[12] This argument can also be extended to Lebanon, where Shaykh Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, the spiritual leader of Hizbollah, has echoed calls by the Sunni Muslim groups at al-Azhar University in Cairo for a jihad against the coalition forces. Sistani's status as an undisputed leading mujtahid can overshadow the radicalism of Shaykh Fadlallah and, with the increasing prominence of Najaf, end his dream to make Lebanon as a center for Arab Shi'is.

[13] According to Armando Salvatore and Dale F. Eickelman, public Islam "refers to the highly diverse invocations of Islam as ideas and practices that religious scholars, self-ascribed religious authorities, secular intellectuals, and many others make to civic debate and public life. In this 'public' capacity, 'Islam' makes a difference in configuring the politics and social life of large parts of the globe, and not just for self-ascribed religious authorities. It makes this difference not only as a template for ideas and practices but also as a way of envisioning alternative political realities and, increasingly, in acting on both global and local stages, thus reconfiguring established boundaries of civil and social life." Armando Salvatore and Dale F. Eickelman, editors, Public Islam and the Common Good (Leiden: Brill, 2004), p. xii.

[14] Alex Berenson, "Iraq's Shiite insist on Democracy: Washington Cringes," Common Dreams News Center, November 30, 2003, http://www.commondreams.org/headlines03/1130-03.htm.

[15] See Juan Cole's interview on PBS, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/iddle_east/july-dec03/iraq_12-02.html.

[16] This problem is mainly evident with the IIG's declaration that laws governing marriage and child custody would follow Islamic rules and practices— a huge obstacle in developing women's rights in post-Saddam Iraq.

[17] See Progress or Peril? Measuring Iraq's Reconstruction: Public Opinion in Iraq, November 2004, http://www.csis.org/isp/pcr/0409progressperil.pdf.

[18] The Zogby poll of four cities shows that 60% of Iraqis rejected an Islamic state, while only 33 % desired it. Ibid, p. 19.

Dr. Babak Rahimi has recently received his PhD from the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy.


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Thursday, December 23, 2004

The Rise of the Fourth Reich

http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/reich.htmlTHE RISE OF THE FOURTH REICH

Everyone likes to say, "Hitler did this", and, "Hitler did that". But the truth is Hitler did very little. He was a world class tyrant, but the evil actually done by the Third Reich, from the death camps to WW2 was all done by German citizens who were afraid to question if what they were told by their government was the truth or not, and who because they did not want to admit to themselves that they were afraid to question the government, refused to see the truth behind the Reichstag Fire, refused to see the invasion by Poland was a staged fake, and followed Hitler into national disaster. The German people of the late 1930s imagined themselves to be brave. They saw themselves as the heroic Germans depicted by the Wagnerian Operas, the descendants of the fierce Germanic warriors who had hunted wild boars with nothing but spears and who had defeated three of Rome's mightiest legions in the Tuetenberg Forest. But in truth, by the 1930s, the German people had become civilized and tamed, culturally obsessed with fine details in both science and society. Their self-image of bravery was both salve and slavery. Germans were required to behave as if they were brave, even when they were not. It's easy to look back and realize what a jerk Hitler was. But at the time, Hitler looked pretty good to the German people, with the help of the media. He was TIME Magazine's Man Of The Year in 1938. The German people assumed they were safe from a tyrant. They lived in a Republic, after all, with strict laws regarding what the government could and more importantly could not do. Their leader was a devoutly religious man, and had even sung with the boy's choir of a monastery in his youth. The reality was that the German people, as individuals, had lost their courage. The German government preferred it that way as a fearful people are easier to rule than a courageous one. But the German people didn't wish to lose their self-image of courage. So, when confronted with a situation demanding individual courage, in the form of a government gone wrong, the German people simply pretended that the situation did not exist. And in that simple self-deception lay the ruin of an entire nation and the coming of the second World War. When the Reichstag burned down, most Germans simply refused to believe suggestions that the fire had been staged by Hitler himself. They were afraid to. But so trapped were the Germans by their belief in their own bravery that they willed themselves to be blind to the evidence before their eyes, so that they could nod in agreement with Der Fuhrer while still imagining themselves to have courage, even as they avoided the one situation which most required real courage; to stand up to Hitler's lies and deceptions. When Hitler requested temporary extraordinary powers, powers specifically banned under German law, but powers Hitler claimed he needed to have to deal with the "terrorists", the German people, having already sold their souls to their self-delusions, agreed. The temporary powers were conferred, and once conferred lasted until Germany itself was destroyed. When Hitler staged a phony invasion from Poland, the vast majority of the German people, their own self-image dependant on continuing blindness to Hitler's deceptions, did not question why Poland would have done something so stupid, and found themselves in a war. But Hitler knew he ruled a nation of cowards, and knew he had to spend the money to make the new war something cowards could fight and win. He decorated his troops with regalia to make them proud of themselves, further trapping them in their self-image. Hitler copied the parade regalia of ancient Rome, to remind the Germans of the defeat of the legions at the Tuetenberg Forest. Talismans were added from orthodox religions and the occult to fill the soldiers with delusions of mystical strengths and an afterlife if they fell in battle. Finally, knowing that it takes courage to kill the enemy face to face, Hitler spent vast sums of money on his wonder weapons, airplanes, submarines, ultra-long range artillery, the world's first cruise missile and the world's first guided missile, weapons that could be used to kill at a distance, so that those doing the killing need not have to face the reality of what they were doing. The German people were lured into WW2 not because they were brave, but because they were cowards who wanted to be seen as brave, and found that shooting long range weapons at people they could not see took less courage than standing up to Hitler. Sent into battle by that false image of courage, the Germans were dependent on their wonder-weapons. When the wonder-weapons stopped working, the Germans lost the war. I remember as a child listening to the stories of WW2 from my grandfather and my uncles who had served in Europe. I wondered how the German people could have been so stupid as to have ever elected Hitler dog catcher, let alone leader of the nation. Such is the clarity of historical hindsight. And with that clarity, I see the exact same mechanism that Hitler used at work here in this nation. The American people imagine themselves to be brave. They see themselves as the heroic Americans depicted by Western Movies, the descendants of the fierce patriot warriors who had tamed the frontier and defeated the might of the British Empire. But in truth, by the dawn of the third millennium, the American people have become civilized and tamed, culturally obsessed with fine details in both science and society. Their self-image of bravery is both salve and slavery. Americans are required to behave as if they are brave, even when they are not. The American people assume they are safe. They live in a Republic, after all, with strict laws regarding what the government can and more importantly cannot do. Their leader is a devoutly religious man. The reality is that the American people, as individuals, have lost their courage. The government prefers it that way as a fearful people are easier to rule than a courageous one. But Americans don't wish to lose their self-image of courage. So, when confronted with a situation demanding courage, in the form of a government gone wrong, the American people simply pretend that the situation does not exist. When the World Trade Towers collapsed, most Americans simply refused to believe suggestions that the attacks had been staged by parties working for the US Government itself. Americans were afraid to, even as news reports surfaced proving that the US Government had announced plans for the invasion of Afghanistan early in the year, plans into which the attacks on the World Trade Towers which angered the American people into support of the already-planned war fit entirely too conveniently. But so trapped are Americans by their belief in their own bravery that they will themselves to be blind to the evidence before their eyes, so that they can nod in agreement with the government while still imagining themselves to have courage, even as they avoid the one situation which most requires real courage; to stand up to the government's lies and deceptions. The vast majority of the American people, their own self-image dependant on continuing blindness to the government's deceptions, never question why Afghanistan wou Now the US Government has requested temporary extraordinary powers, powers specifically banned under Constitutional law, but powers the government is claiming they need to have to deal with the "terrorists". The American people, having already sold their souls to their self-delusions, are agreeing. The temporary powers recently conferred will be no more temporary in America than they were in Germany. The US Government knows they rule a nation of cowards. The government has had to spend the money to make the new war something cowards can fight. The government has decorated the troops with regalia to make them proud of themselves, further trapping them in their self-image. Talismans are added from orthodox religions and the occult to fill the soldiers with delusions of mystical strengths and an afterlife if they fall in battle. Finally, knowing that it takes courage to kill the enemy face to face, the United States government has spent vast sums of money on wonder weapons, airplanes, submarines, ultra-long range artillery, cruise missiles, and guided missiles, weapons that kill at a distance, so that those doing the killing need not have to face the reality of what they are doing. As I mentioned above, Hitler was TIME Magazine's Man Of The Year in 1938. Stalin was TIME Magazine's Man Of The Year for 1939 and 1942. Both of these men, and many others also celibrated by the media, were unimaginable monsters. The lesson from these facts is that it isn't easy to spot a genocidal tyrant when you live with one, especially one whom the press supports and promotes. Tyrants become obvious only when looking back, after what they have done becomes known. The German people did not stand up to Hitler because their media betrayed them, just as the American media is betraying the American people by willingly, voluntarily, even proudly, abandoning its traditional role as watchdog against government abuse. It is the very nature of power that it attracts the sort of people who should not have it. The United States, as the world's last superpower, is a prize that attracts men and women willing to do absolutely anything to win that power, and hence are also willing to do absolutely anything with that power once they have it. If one thinks about it long enough, one will realize that all tyrants, past and most especially present, MUST use deception on their population to initiate a war. No citizen of a modern industrialized nation will send their children off to die in a war to grab another nation's resources and assets, yet resources and assets are what all wars are fought over. The nation that wishes to initiate a war of conquest must create the illusion of an attack or a threat to start a war, and must always give their population of cowards an excuse never to question that carefully crafted illusion. It is naive, not to mention racist to assume that tyrants appear only in other nations and that somehow America is immune simply because we're Americans. America has escaped the clutches of a dictatorship thus far only through the efforts of those citizens who, unlike the Germans of the 1930s, have the moral courage to stand up and point out where the government is lying to the people. And unless more Americans are willing to have that kind of individual courage, then future generations may well look back on the American people with the same harshness of judgement with which we look back on the 1930s Germans. [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:Bewleyupdates-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.comYour use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service.

Wednesday, December 22, 2004

My fight against American Phantom-Tariq Ramadan

My Fight Against American Phantoms
Islamic scholar's revoked visa is a sign of the times.

By Tariq Ramadan, Islamic scholar Tariq Ramadan's most recent book is "Western Muslims and the Future of Islam" (Oxford University Press, 2003). His website is www.tariq ramadan.com.

Over the last four years, I have visited the United States more than 20 times. I have lectured on philosophy and Islam at numerous academic institutions from Dartmouth to Stanford and at organizations from the Brookings Institution to the United States Institute of Peace. I was invited to a meeting organized by former President Clinton, and I spoke before officials of the CIA.

So when I was offered a professorship at the University of Notre Dame, I did not see it as anything particularly controversial, and I accepted the position as an opportunity for greater engagement and dialogue with Americans.

After the necessary security clearance, my visa was approved in May. We shipped our belongings and were only nine days away from moving when I was informed that my visa had been revoked. Though no explanation was given to us, government officials were quoted anonymously in the media citing the Patriot Act as the legal basis — but without stating exactly what I had been accused of.

The media speculated endlessly; all my detractors' old and baseless allegations were listed: "possible terrorist links," "Islamist," and the particularly inexplicable "gentle jihadist." I was accused of being an anti-Semite and of engaging in "double talk" by delivering a gentle, moderate message to non-Muslims but a "radical and extremist" message to Muslims. To bolster their argument, my critics pointed to my pedigree — my grandfather was the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt — as if one's thoughts and morals descend from the vices and virtues of one's lineage.

Time and again I fought to disprove these malicious allegations. But it didn't work. In 20 years of studying and teaching philosophy, I have learned to appreciate the inherent difficulty in recognizing "the truth." But I have also learned that in the world of mass media, "truth" is not based on clarity but on repetition. An assumption repeated three times becomes a fact.

Strange truth indeed! I have written 20 books and 700 articles. Have my detractors read any of them? Are they acquainted with my extensive study of the Islamic scriptural sources and my efforts to help Muslims remain faithful to their principles and, at the same time, face the challenges of the contemporary world? Are they familiar with my statement on Sept. 12, 2001, calling on Muslims to condemn the terror attacks? Or my condemnations of anti-Semitism? Have they read my writing promoting women's rights and Islamic feminism and rejecting mistreatment and discrimination?

The essence of my message to Muslims throughout the world is this: Know who you are, who you want to be. Find common values and build, with your non-Muslim fellow citizens, a society based on diversity and equality. Our collective success hinges on breaking out of intellectual ghettos, collaborating beyond our narrow associations and fostering mutual trust — without which living together is nearly impossible.

That is my record, open and clear. I have no cause for concern. So in September, when the university was advised that I should reapply for my visa, I did so. At that time, Secretary of State Colin Powell said that my case would be reviewed fairly.

That was two months ago, but since then neither the university nor I have heard anything. The latest contact with the Bush administration indicated that no decision was forthcoming in the near future. In essence, my petition, the university's request and the outcry from the academic community and the public were being ignored. This is an affront to justice, to my dignity as a scholar, and it is a violation of my basic human right to know what I am accused of and what proof there is to support it.

Living in a state of limbo, in a bare apartment, not knowing where — or on which side of the Atlantic — my children will go to school in a few weeks has been extremely taxing for my family. To alleviate this and to preserve my dignity, I had to make the very difficult decision last week to resign my post at the university. My resignation notwithstanding, I am waiting for the Bush administration to reveal the results of its investigation, and for my name to be cleared of all the untrue and humiliating accusations I have been subjected to these last few months.

The U.S. government is descending rapidly into a closed and worrisome unilateralism. But America's ideals are still exemplified by many of its citizens. These ideals were visible in the courageous stance of the University of Notre Dame and all those academic and civic organizations, intellectuals, journalists and ordinary people who defended me. They made it clear that academic freedom should be upheld, even if they didn't agree with every one of my ideas. They called for openness, transparency and dialogue, and cautioned against censorship rooted in fear and suspicion. It is they who represent the dignity of America.

سؤالات الحاكم-البغدادى

سؤالات الحاكم
بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم
أخبرنا الشيخ أبو بكر عبد العزيز بن أحمد بن عمر بن باقا البغدادي بقراءتي عليه بمصر أنبأنا الشيخ أبو زرعة طاهر بن محمد بن طاهرالمقدسي قراءة عليه وأنا أسمع ببغداد أنا أبو بكر أحمد بن علي بن خلف الشيرازي إجازة عن أبي عبد الله الحافظ النيسابوري المعروف بابن البيع رحمه الله قال ذكر أسامي مشايخ من أهل العراق خفي علي أحوالهم في الجرح والتعديل علقت أساميهم وعرضته على شيخنا أبي الحسن علي بن عمر الدارقطني رحمه الله. فعلق بخطه تحت أساميهم ما صح له من أحوالهم ثم سألته فشافهني بها فمنهم
1 أحمد بن يونس بن المسيب الضبي أبو العباس البغدادي نزيل أصبهان ثقة
2 أحمد بن عبد الحميد بن خالد أبو كوفي ثقة
3 أحمد بن محمد بن يحيى بن عمرو أبو الحسين الجعفي الكوفي لا بأس به حدث عنه بن صاعد وغيره وأكثر عنه أبو العباس بن سعيد
4 أحمد بن يحيى بن المنذر المارني أبو عبد الله الكوفي صدوق وأبوه يحيى بن المنذر يروى عن إسرائيل حديث أبي حصين عن يحيى بن وثاب مرفوعا ناموا فإذا إنتبهوا فأحسوا‏.‏
5 أبو عمرو أحمد بن عبد الجبار بن محمد بن العلاء بن العباس بن عمير بن عطارد بن حاجب بن بينها التميمي واختلف فيه شيوخنا ولم يكن من أصحاب الحديث وكان سماعه في كتب أبيه عبد الجبار بن محمد وأبوه ثقة ويقال ان أبا كريب لما امتنع من قراءة المغازي عن يونس بن بكير عن بن إسحاق قال لمن سأله عنها ان ابنا لعبد الجبار العطاردي كان مع أبيه من يونس بن بكير فاطلبوها منه فذكروا أنهم جاؤوه فأخرجها لهم من أبراج الحمام والله أعلم‏.‏
6 أحمد بن حرب بن زياد المعدل أبو جعفر البزار ثقة فاضل
7 أحمد بن سعيد بن زياد أبو عبد الله الجمال لم يذكر له شيئا
8 أحمد بن زياد أبو جعفر بن مهران السمسار ثقة
9أحمد بن موسى بن أبي عمران الخياط ثقة
10 أحمد بن عبيد الله النرسي لا بأس به
11 أحمد بن زهير بن حرب أبو بكر بن أبي خثيمة ثقة مأمون
12 أحمد بن الخليل بن ثابت أبو جعفر البغوي البرجلاني يحدث عن أبي النضر صاحب الواقدي وأما الذي ورد نيسابور فقديم لم يحدث عنه أحد من البغداديين وإنما حديثه بنيسابور وخراسان
13 أحمد بن علي الخزار أبو جعفر ثقة
14 أحمد بن إبراهيم بن ملحان أبو عبد الله ثقة
15 أحمد بن محمد بن غالب غلام الخليل يضع الحديث متروك‏.‏
16 أحمد بن موسى بن جعفر الشطوي ثقة‏.‏
17 أحمد بن الهيثم بن خالد أبو جعفر البزاز العسكري ثقة‏.‏
18 أحمد بن إسحاق بن صالح الوزان لا بأس به‏.‏
19 أحمد بن موسى بن إسحاق الحمار الكوفي صدوق‏.‏
20 أحمد بن محمد بن حميد المقرىء يلقب بالفيل عن يحيى بن هاشم وطبقته بغدادي ليس بالقوي‏.‏
21 أحمد بن محمد بن الشاه أبو العباس بغدادي ثقة‏.‏
22 أحمد بن داود أبو يزيد السجستاني لا بأس به‏.‏
23 أحمد بن عمرو بن الخالق البزار يخطىء في الأسناد والمتن حدث بالمسند بمصر حفظا ينظر في كتب الناس ويحدث من حفظه ولم تكن معه كتب فأخطأ في أحاديث كثيرة يتكلمون فيه جرحه أبو عبد الرحمن النسائي‏.‏
24 أحمد بن الحسن بن إسماعيل بن صبيح اليشكري كوفي ليس بالقوي‏.‏
25 أحمد بن محمد بن عبد الحميد الجعفي صالح الحديث‏.‏
26 أحمد بن زكريا بن كثير أبو العباس الجوهري صدوق‏.‏
27 أحمد بن محمد بن يزيد الوراق عن شبابة ليس بالقوي‏.‏
28 أحمد بن موسى بن أبي عمران أبو العباس المعدل ثقة‏.‏
29 أحمد بن إبراهيم المروزي هو بن بنت محمد بن حاتم بن ميمون ثقة نبيل‏.‏
30 أحمد بن حماد بن سفيان القاضي كوفي لا بأس به‏.‏
31 أحمد بن الحسين بن عبد الملك القسري الضرير لا بأس به‏.‏
32 أحمد بن الخليل بن عبد الله أبو بكر البصري ليس بالقوي‏.‏
33 أحمد بن محمد بن صاعد أبو العباس ليس بالقوي وأخوه يوسف بن محمد بن صاعد ثقة عنده عن خلاد بن يحيى وهو أكبر الاخوة وأخبرني علي بن موسى الرزاز عن موسى بن هارون سئل عن ابني صاعد فقال يحيى أوثقهم وأنبلهم وهو الأصغر‏.‏
34 أحمد بن الصلت بن المغلس الحماني متروك يضع الحديث‏.‏
35 قلت لأبي الحسن الدارقطني ما بال أبي العباس بن سعيد لم تذكره بشيء فقال شيخنا ولا أدري ما أني أنكر على من يتهم بالوضع إنما بلاءه هذه الوجادات فقال بن المظفر انه حدث عن البرقي عن أبي حذيفة عن الثوري عن أبي إسحاق عن نافع عن بن عمر في الغسل فقلت انه أخطأ فيه أراد عن يحيى بن وثاب ففرح أبو الحسن بقولي فزاد بن المظفر فيه قلت دعنا ما يتهم مثل أبي العباس بالوضع إلا طبل فسكت فلم يجر لهذا جوابا ثم عاودته فقال والله ما أدري ما أقول في أني أشهد أن من اتهمه بالوضع فقد كذب وذكر أحمد بن منصور الشيرازي فقال يتقرب إلي بكتب يكتبها وقد أدخل بمصر وأنا بها أحاديث على جماعة من الشيوخ‏.‏
36 أحمد بن إسحاق يعني بن محمد بن الفضل بن جابر بن شاذان السقطي صدوق أبو زيد‏.‏
37 أحمد بن محمد بن طريف بن خليفة البجلي الكوفي ثقة‏.‏
38 أبو بكر بن صدقة الحافظ أحمد بن محمد ثقة ثقة‏.‏
39 إبراهيم بن أحمد بن عمرو أبو إسحاق الهمذاني الصحاف كوفي لا بأس به‏.‏
40 إبراهيم بن سليمان الخراز الكوفي يعرف بالنهمي متروك‏.‏
41 إبراهيم بن عبد الله بن عمر العبسي أبو إسحاق القصار الكوفي عن وكيع لا بأس به‏.‏
42 إبراهيم بن الهيثم البلدي لا بأس به‏.‏
43 إبراهيم بن إسماعيل أبو إسحاق السوطي لا بأس به‏.‏
44 إبراهيم بن محمد بن أبي الجحيم البصري لا بأس به غلط في أحاديث‏.‏
45 إبراهيم بن أحمد بن عمر بن حفص بن جهم بن واقد مولى حذيفة بن اليمان أبو إسحاق القارض ثقة مأمون كان مكفوفا وأبوه ثقة‏.‏
46 إبراهيم بن أحمد بن مروان ليس بالقوي‏.‏
47 إبراهيم بن محمد بن الهيثم أبو إسحاق صاحب الطعام ثقة صدوق‏.‏
48 إبراهيم بن عبد الرحيم دنوقا ثقة‏.‏
49 إبراهيم بن محمد بن إسماعيل المسمعي يعرف بابن أبي عبادة ضعيف‏.‏
50 إبراهيم بن إسحاق أبو إسحاق الصواف ثقة‏.‏
51 إبراهيم بن إسحاق بن أبي العنبس القاضي صدوق‏.‏
52 إبراهيم بن عبد السلام يعني بن محمد بن شاكر ضعيف‏.‏
53 إسماعيل بن الفضل أبو بكر البلخي لا بأس به‏.‏
54 إسماعيل بن إبراهيم أبو إبراهيم القطراني كوفي ثقة‏.‏
55 إسماعيل بن محمد بن أبي كثير قاضي المدائن الفسوي صدوق‏.‏
56 أبو علي إسماعيل بن نميل الخلال صدوق‏.‏
57 إسحاق بن الحسن بن ميمون أبو يعقوب الحربي اختلف فيه أصحابنا وأثنى عليه إبراهيم الحربي وهو عندي ثقة قال الحاكم وقال لي أبو بكر الشافعي سئل إبراهيم الحربي عنه فقال ما زلنا نعرفه بالطلب وهو ينبغي أن أو كما قال‏.‏
58 إسحاق بن إبراهيم بن سنين ليس بالقوي وقال مرة أخرى ضعيف‏.‏
59 إسحاق بن صدقة ضعيف‏.‏
60 إسحاق بن يعقوب العطار أبو العباس ثقة‏.‏
61 إسحاق بن محمد بن يحيى بن بشير لا بأس به وأخوه داود بن يحيى ثقة حافظ واخوهما عيسى بن يحيى وأبوهم يحيى كان يحدث عن أبي بكر بن عياش ويحيى رماه مطين بالكذب‏.‏
62 وسألته عن إسحاق الدبري فقال صدوق ما رأيت فيه خلاف إنما قيل لم يكن من رجال هذا الشأن قلت ويدخل في الصحيح قال أي والله‏.‏
63 إسحاق يعني بن محمد بن الفضل بن جابر بن شاذان السقطي صدوق‏.‏
64 أسلم بن بحشل تكلموا فيه‏.‏
65 أنيس بن عبد الله النخاس أبو عمر لا بأس به‏.‏
66 إدريس بن جعفر العطار أبو محمد متروك‏.‏
67 البختري بن محمد البختري بغدادي لا بأس به‏.‏
68 جعفر بن عنبسة بن يعقوب اليشكري أبو محمد الكوفي يحدث عن الضعفاء ليس به بأس‏.‏
69 جعفر بن محمد أبو يحيى الزعفراني الرازي صدوق‏.‏
70 جعفر وإسحاق ابنا محمد بن مروان القطان الكوفي ليسا ممن يحتج بحديثهما‏.‏
71 جعفر بن محمد بن كزال ليس بالقوي‏.‏
72 جعفر بن محمد بن سام ثقة مأمون‏.‏
73 جنيد بن حكيم الدقاق ليس بالقوي‏.‏
74 جعفر بن عرفة أبو الفضل لم يذكر له شيئا‏.‏
75 الحسن بن علي بن عف ان العامري ثقة‏.‏
76 وأخوه محمد بن علي ثقة‏.‏
77 الحسن بن سلام بن حماد السواق أبو علي ثقة صدوق‏.‏
78 الحسن بن علي بن شبيب المعمري صدوق عندي حافظا وأما موسى بن هارون فجرحه وكانت بينهما عداوة وكان أنكر عليه أحاديث أخرج أصوله العتق بها ثم ترك روايتها منها حديث يحيى عن عبيد الله عن نافع عن بن عمر نهى النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم عن النوح ومنها حديث الطفاوي عن أيوب عن الزهري عن أنس إنما جعل الإمام ليؤتم به وفيه إذا قرأ فأنصتوا كذا وقع في أصله فلما أنكر عليه تركه‏.‏
79 الحسن بن علي بن سعيد بن شهريار الرقي ضعيف حدث ببغداد ثم ترك روايتها منها حديث يحيى عن عبيد الله عن نافع عن بن عمر نهى النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم عن النوح ومنها حديث الطفاوي عن أيوب عن الزهري عن أنس إنما جعل الإمام ليؤتم به وفيه إذا قرأ فأنصتوا كذا وقع في أصله فلما أنكر عليه تركه‏.‏
80 الحسن بن علي بن سعيد بن شهريار الرقي ضعيف حدث ببغداد‏.‏
81 الحسن بن علويه القطان لا بأس به‏.‏
82 الحسن بن علي بن الوليد الكرابيسي أبو جعفر الفسوي لا بأس به‏.‏
83 الحسن بن علي بن محمد بن الحجاج بن بشير بن سعد ليس له ذكر‏.‏
84 الحسن بن سهل المجوز البصري لا بأس به‏.‏
84 أبو الربيع الحسين بن الهيثم الرازي حدث ببغداد يعرف بالكسائي لا بأس به‏.‏
85 الحسن بن فهم ليس بالقوي‏.‏
86 الحسين بن جعفر بن حبيب القتات صدوق.‏
87 الحسين بن كميت بن بهلول بن عمر أبو علي لا بأس به.‏
88 الحسين بن بشار الخياط يحدث عن الضعفاء‏.‏
89 الحسين بن عبد الله بن شاكر السمرقندي ضعيف يعرف بوراق داود الأصبهاني‏.‏
90 الحسين بن الحكم بن مسلم الحبري ثقة‏.‏
91 الحارث بن أبي أسامة اختلف فيه أصحابنا وهو عندي صدوق‏.‏
92 حمدون بن أحمد بن سلم السمسار بن بنت سعدويه لا بأس به‏.‏
93 حامد بن سهل الثغري ثقة‏.‏
94حفص بن إبراهيم أبو حكيم الأنصاري بغدادي لا بأس به‏.‏
95 الحارث بن أحمد بن عثمان بن حليم الأودي ليس به بأس‏.‏
96 خلف بن عمرو بن عبد الرحمن أبو محمد العكبري ثقة‏.‏
97 خلف بن الحسن بن جوان الواسطي لا بأس به‏.‏
98 الخضر بن أبان الهاشمي أبو القاسم الكوفي ضعيف‏.‏
99 داود بن يحيى بن محمد بن بشير ثقة حافظ.‏
100 دبيس بن سلام بن إبراهيم القصباني ضعيف.‏
101 زكريا بن يحيى بن أسد أبو يحيى البغدادي صاحب بن عيينة لا بأس به.‏
102 زكريا بن يحيى بن مروان أبو يحيى الناقد ثقة فاضل.‏
103 زياد بن الخليل التستري لا بأس به.‏
104 سوادة بن علي الغرماء أبا الحصين هو بن بنت بن نمير الكوفي ضعيف.‏
105 سليمان بن محمد بن الفضل أبو منصور النهرواني ضعيف.‏
106 سعيد بن عبد الله بن عجب الدفع لا بأس به.‏
107 سعيد بن عثمان بن بكر أبو سهل الأهوازي حدث ببغداد صدوق.‏
108 سعيد بن محمد أبو عثمان الأنجذاني لا بأس به.‏
109 سعيد بن محمد بن سعيد بن بشير بن هجوان الحجواني الكوفي عن وكيع ضعيف.‏
110 سماعه بن أحمد بن سماعه بصري لا بأس به.‏
111 شعيب بن أحمد بن أبي عمران الختلي بغدادي لم يذكر له شيئا‏.‏
112صالح بن مقاتل بن صالح يحدث عن أبيه ليس بالقوي.‏
113 صالح بن أحمد بن أبي مقاتل هو القيراطي متروك.‏
114 صالح بن محمد الرازي ثقة.‏
115 سألت أبا الحسن عن عبد الله بن محمد بن جعفر القزويني المحدث بمصر فقال كذاب يضع الحديث.‏
116 عبد الله بن محمد بن سوار الهاشمي مولاهم صدوق.‏
117 أبو البختري عبد الله بن محمد بن شاكر العنبري بغدادي أصله كوفي صدوق ثقة.‏
118 وأخوه عبد السلام بن محمد بن شاكر لا بأس به.‏
119 وابنه إبراهيم بن عبد السلام ضعيف.‏
120 عبد الله بن أحمد بن إبراهيم الدورقي ثقة.‏
121 عبد الله بن حاضر الرازي عن الأنصاري ليس بالقوي.‏
122 عبد الله بن مهران بن الحسين النحوي لا بأس به.‏
123 عبد الله بن عباس بن حفص بن غياث صدوق.‏
124 عبد الله بن روح المدائني ليس به بأس.‏
125 عبد الله بن أيوب بن زاذان الضرير يعرف بالقربي الخراز متروك.‏
126 عبد الله بن قريش بن إسحاق أبو أحمد الأسدي لا بأس به عنده الوجادات.‏
127 عبد الله بن الصقر صدوق‏.‏
128 عبد الله بن محمد بن عبد الرحمن بن غزوان أبو بكر متروك يضع هو وأبوه جميعا وجده قراد قراد أبو نوح ثقة.‏
129 علي بن شاذان أبو الحسن عن أبي بدر وغيره ضعيف.‏
130 علي بن الصقر السكري ليس بالقوي‏.‏
131علي بن محمد بن خالد بن بيات المطرز لا بأس به.‏
132 علي بن الحسن بن بيان المقرىء ثقة.‏
133 علي بن أحمد بن النضر أبو غالب ضعيف.‏
134 علي بن حماد بن الموطأ متروك‏.‏
135 علي بن الحسين الرصافي يعرف بابن العطار سنذكره بعد.‏
136 علي بن العباس بن الوليد المقانعي البجلي ثقة صدوق‏.‏
137 علي بن إبراهيم بن عبد المجيد أبو الحسين الواسطي ثقة‏.‏
138 علي بن محمد أبو الحسين القرشي كوفي حدث عنه الأحكم وأبو الحسين بن عقبة فقال أما هذا فلا أعرفه إلا أن يكون أريد به علي بن الحسين بن كعب القرشي الكوفي فإنه لا بأس به قال في حاشية الحاكم ذاك فإن هذا حدثنا عنه بن ماتي وابن دحيم وغيرهما وذاك أقدم‏.‏
139 علي بن الحسن بن عبدويه بغدادي لا بأس به.‏
140 علي بن عبد الله بن موسى علان القراطيسي الواسطي عن يزيد بن هارون ثقة.‏
141 عيسى بن عبد الله بن سليمان رغاث أبو موسى ثقة.‏
142 عباس بن الفضل بن رشيد الطبري حدث ببغداد عن عبد الله بن جعفر الرقي وغيره صدوق.‏
143 عباس بن الفضل الأسفاطي صدوق.‏
144 عبد الرحمن بن مرزوق أبو عوف لا بأس به.‏
145 عبد الرحمن بن محمد بن أبو سعيد ليس بالقوي‏.‏
146 عبد السلام بن محمد بن شاكر لا بأس به يعني أخا عبد الله أبي البختري.‏
147 عبيد الله بن موسى الإصطخري عن عباد بن صهيب حدثنا عنه دعلج لا أجيزه‏.‏
148 عبد العزيز بن معاوية أبو خالد القرشي لا بأس به من ولد عتاب بن أسيد أموي.‏
149 عبد العزيز بن عبد الله بن العباس بن محمد بن علي بن عبد الله بن عباس أبو القاسم الهاشمي لا بأس به‏.‏
150 عبد الملك بن محمد بن عبد الله بن مسلم أبو قلابة قيل لنا إنه كان مجاب الدعوة صدوق كثير الخطأ في الأسانيد والمتون لا يحتج بما ينفرد به بلغني عن شيخنا أبي القاسم بن منيع أنه قال عندي عن أبي قلابة عشرة أجزاء ما منها حديث سلم منه إما في الإسناد أو في المتن كأنه يحدث من حفظه فكثرت الأوهام منه.‏
151 عبيد بن كثير التمار كوفي متروك.‏
152 عبيد بن أحمد بن الحكم أبو عبد الرحمن القزاز بصري ليس له ذكر.‏
153 عبيد بن صبيح الكناني الزيات لا بأس به.‏
154 عبيد بن عبد الواحد بن شريك البزاز صدوق.‏
155 عمر بن الحسن بن نصر فلهذا أبو حفص قاضي حلب صدوق ثقة.‏
156 عمر بن الحسن بن علي بن مالك الأشناني سنذكره بعد هذا.‏
157 عمار بن عمر أبو عمرو الضبي بصري لا بأس به‏.‏
158 عمرو بن بشر النيسابوري صدوق.‏
159 قيس بن إبراهيم بن قيس أبو موسى الطوابيقي صالح‏.‏
160القاسم بن محمد الدلال الكوفي ضعيف.‏
161 القاسم بن العباس المعشري لا بأس به.‏
158 عمرو بن بشر النيسابوري صدوق.‏
159 قيس بن إبراهيم بن قيس أبو موسى الطوابيقي صالح.‏
160 القاسم بن محمد الدلال الكوفي ضعيف.‏
161 القاسم بن العباس المعشري لا بأس به.‏
162 محمد بن عيسى العطار أبو جعفر البغدادي يعرف بابن أبي موسى الأفراهي ثقة.‏
163 محمد بن سنان بن يزيد أبو جعفر القزاز أصله بصري سكن بغداد لا بأس به.‏
164 وأخوه يزيد بن سنان سكن مصر لا بأس به أكبر سنا منه.‏
165 حسين بن الحسين بن أبي الحنين الكوفي أبو جعفر ثقة مأمون.‏
166 محمد بن منصور بن يزيد أبو جعفر الكوفي المرادي ثقة.‏
167 محمد بن ماهان أبو عبد الله السمسار زنبقة لا بأس به.‏
168 محمد بن مسلمة بن الوليد أبو عبد الله الواسطي لا بأس به.‏
169 محمد بن الجهم بن هارون أبو عبد الله السمري صاحب العرابية صدوق.‏
170 محمد بن عبيد بن عتبة بن عبد الرحمن سنان أبو جعفر الكوفي ثقة صدوق.‏
171 محمد بن عيسى بن حيان أبو عبد الله المدائني متروك الحديث.‏
172 محمد بن عثمان بن أبي شيبة العبسي ضعيف.‏
173 محمد بن يونس بن موسى أبو العباس الكديمي متروك.‏
174 محمد بن إسحاق الخراز بعد الثمانين وقيل بعد التسعين لم يكتب له شيئا.‏
175 أبو إسماعيل محمد بن إسماعيل بن يوسف الترمذي السلمي ثقة صدوق قلت بلغني أن أبا حاتم الرازي تكلم فيه فقال هو ثقة قال الحاكم لم يتكلم فيه أبو حاتم.‏
176 محمد بن هشام بن البختري بن أبي الدميك لا بأس به.‏
177 محمد بن شاذان بن يزيد أبو بكر الجوهري ثقة صدوق.‏
178 محمد بن سعد بن محمد بن الحسن بن عطية بن سعد بن جنادة العوفي لا بأس به.‏
179 محمد بن سليمان بن الحارث الباغندي ضعيف.‏
180 محمد بن عبد الله بن مهران الدينوري صدوق.‏
181 محمد بن عبد الله بن سفيان زرقان لا بأس به.‏
182 محمد بن العباس بن ماهان أبو عبد الله الكابلي ثقة.‏
183 محمد بن يحيى بن سليمان أبو بكر المروزي صاحب أبي عبيد صدوق.‏
184 محمد بن روح القنطري البزاز ليس بالقوي.‏
185 محمد بن يوسف بن عيسى الطباع أبو بكر صدوق.‏
186 محمد بن الهيثم بن حماد بن واقد أبو عبد الله يعرف بأبي الأحوص القاضي ثقة مأمون حافظ يقال له محمد بن أبي القاسم قاضي عكبرا.‏
187 محمد بن يوسف بن الحكم أبو عبد الله الصابوني لا بأس به.‏
188 محمد بن الفرج أبو بكر الأزرق لا بأس به من أصحاب الكرابيسي يطعن عليه في اعتقاده.‏
189 أبو جعفر محمد بن حماد بن ماهان الدباغ بغدادي حدثنا عنه أبو سهل ليس بالقوي‏.‏
190 محمد بن خليفة بن صدقة العاقولي صدوق.‏
191 محمد بن إبراهيم بن داود السراج لم يذكر له شيئا.‏
192 محمد بن محمد بن حبان التمار البصري لا بأس به.‏
193 محمد بن أحمد بن داود بن سيار المؤدب بغدادي لا بأس به.‏
194 محمد بن يحيى بن المنذر أبو سليمان القزاز بصري لا بأس به.‏
195 محمد بن ربح السماك لا بأس به.‏
196 محمد بن أحمد بن نعيم المروروذي لا بأس به.‏
197 محمد بن الفضل بن جابر بن شاذان السقطي صدوق.‏
198 وابنه إسحاق صدوق.‏
199 وابن ابنه أحمد بن إسحاق صدوق كتبت عنهما.‏
200 محمد بن الخطاب بن عمر أبو السرى الأنصاري لا بأس به.‏
201 محمد بن يعقوب بن سورة التميمي لا بأس به.‏
202 محمد بن أحمد بن هارون أبو الحسن العودي ثقه.‏
203 محمد بن نصر أبو جعفر الصائغ صدوق فاضل ناسك.‏
204 محمد بن محبوب الزعفراني لم يذكر له شيئا.‏
205 محمد بن أحمد حبيب الذارع عن أبي عاصم وغيره ليس بالقوي.‏
206 محمد بن زكريا بن دينار الغلابي يضع الحديث.‏
207 محمد بن شعيب البزاز ثقة.‏
208 محمد بن عثمان بن سعيد أبو عمر الأموي الكوفي ثقة.‏
209 محمد بن أحمد بن نصر أبو جعفر الترمذي الفقيه الشافعي عن يحيى بن بكير والبصريين ثقة مأمون ناسك.‏
210 محمد بن هارون بن عيسى عن مسلم بن إبراهيم ليس بالقوي.‏
211 محمد بن العباس بن سليم لا بأس به.‏
212 محمد بن شداد أبو يعلى المسمعي ضعيف.‏
213 محمد بن خلف بن عبد السلام الأعور المروزي لا بأس به يحدث عن الضعفاء.‏
214 محمد بن عبد العزيز بن أبي رجاء ضعيف.‏
215 محمد بن محمد بن الحسين بن هارون بن عزوان لا بأس به.‏
216 محمد بن عبد الرحمن بن عمارة بن القعقاع أبو قبيصة لا بأس به‏.‏
217 محمد بن أحمد أبو الوليد بن برد صدوق.‏
218 محمد بن أحمد أبو أحمد المطرز ليس بالقوي كان يحفظ.‏
219 محمد بن حنيفة أبو حنيفة الواسطي ليس بالقوي.‏
220 محمد بن الحسين بن حفص الخثعمي الأشناني صدوق.‏
221 محمد بن موسى بن حماد البربري يعرف بقمطر ليس بالقوي.‏
222 محمد بن إسحاق بن أبي إسحاق المعدل أبو العباس الصفار ثقة.‏
223 محمد بن عبيد بن أبي هارون أبو جعفر المقرىء شيخ من أهل الكوفة عن عبيد الله بن موسى لا بأس به.‏
224 وأبوه إسحاق بن أبي إسحاق ثقة.‏
225 قلت لأبي الحسن هوذا يبلغني عن أبي بكر بن الجعابي انه تغير على عهدنا فقال ونصف تغير قلت سألتك بالله هل إتهمته في الحديث قال أي والله قلت مثل ماذا قال كان قد إستتر من شيخا من شيوخنا يقال له أبو القاسم الصفار قلت له علي بن إسماعيل بن يونس قال نعم حدثنا عنه عن محمد بن نصر بن حماد عن أبيه عن شعبة عن الحكم عن نافع عن بن عمر عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم في نساءكم حرث لكم وعن شعبة عن أيوب عن نافع حديث منكر وحدث للخليل بن أحمد صاحب العربية والعروض بعشرين حديثا مسانيد ليس لشيء منها أصل ثم ذكر حكايته مع السبيعي وحملني إلى السبيعي حتى شافهني به قلت لأبي الحسن وصح لك أن أبا بكر غلط في الحديث قالت أي والله قلت فقد خفت أنه ترك المذهب قال ترك الدين والصلاة قال لي الثقة من أصحابنا ممن يعاشره إنه كان نائم فكتب على رجله كتابة إلى ثلاثة أيام لم يمسه الماء فنعوذ بالله من الخذلان.‏
226 موسى بن سهل بن كثير أبو عمران الوشاء البصري ضعيف لا يحتج به.‏
227 موسى بن زكريا أبو عمران التستري متروك.‏
228 موسى بن الحسن بن عباد لا بأس به.‏
229 موسى بن هارون أبو عيسى الطوسي ثقة.‏
230 موسى بن هارون بن إسحاق الهمداني كوفي ثقة.‏
231 موسى بن هارون بن عبد الله بن مروان الحمال أبو عمران ثقة إمام.‏
232 مسلم بن عيسى الصفار بغدادي مسند متروك.‏
233 مضر بن محمد الأسدي قاضي واسط مقرئ ثقة.‏
234 المنذر بن محمد القابوسي متروك.‏
235 هندام بن قتيبة لا بأس به.‏
236 هارون بن عيسى الهاشمي ليس بالقوي في الحديث.‏
237 هشام بن علي السيرافي ثقة.‏
238 الهيثم بن خالد بن عبد الله المصيصي يعرف بالدمل ضعيف يروي عن عبد الكبير بن المعافى وغيره.‏
239 يحيى بن جعفر بن الزبرقان أبو بكر بن أبي طالب البغدادي لا بأس به ولم يطعن فيه أحد بحجة.‏
240 يحيى بن إسماعيل أبو زكريا الجريري كوفي لا يحتج به.‏
241 يزيد بن سنان بن يزيد سكن مصر لا بأس به أكبر سنا منه يعني من أخيه محمد بن سنان القزاز.‏
242 يزيد بن جهور أبو الليث كان بالثغر لا بأس به.‏
243 يزيد بن الهيثم بن طهمان أبو خالد البادا ثقة.‏
244 يعقوب بن إسحاق بن أبي إسرائيل لا بأس به.‏
245 يعقوب بن يوسف المطوعي أبو بكر ثقة فاضل.‏
246 يعقوب بن إسحاق الضبي ضعيف يعرف بالبيهسي.‏
247 يوسف بن يعقوب بن أزهر بن أبان التيمي كوفي لا بأس به.‏
248 يوسف بن محمد بن الحكم دبيس صدوق.‏
249 يوسف بن محمد بن صاعد أخو يحيى مضى ذكرهما مع أخيهما أحمد.‏
250 وسمعت أبا الحسن وسأله أبو محمد بن ماسي عن اسم أبي بكر المقدمي والد محمد بن أبي بكر فقال لا يعرف له اسم.‏
251 وسمعته وذكر بن مندة فقال كان بمصر في كتاب شيخ عن كتابه لمحمد بن عبيد بن نجاسة عن سفيان بن موسى عن أيوب عن نافع عن بن عمر الشفاعة لمن مات بالمدينة فكتب على حاشيته إنما هو عن سفيان عن موسى بن عقبة وأيوب وسفيان بن موسى عن أيوب خطأ.‏
252 وسمعته يذكر الأشناني يعني عمر بن الحسن بن علي بن مالك الأشناني فقلت سألت أبا علي الحافظ فذكر أنه ثقة فقال بئس ما كان شيخنا أبو علي دخلت عليه وبين يديه كتاب الشفعة فنظرت فيه فإذا فيه عن عبد العزيز بن معاوية عن أبي عاصم عن مالك عن الزهري عن سعيد وأبي مسلمة عن أبي هريرة في الشفعة وبجنبه عن أبي إسماعيل الترمذي عن أبي صالح عن عبد العزيز بن عبد الله الماجشون عن مالك عن الزهري وذلك أنه بلغه أن الماجشون جوده فتوهم أنه عبد العزيز قال فقلت له قطع الله يد من كتب هذا ومن يحدث به ما حدث أبو إسماعيل ولا أبو صالح ولا الماجشون فما زال يداريني حتى أخذه من يدي وانصرف إلى المنزل فلما أصبحت د ق غلامه الباب فخرجت إليه فقال القاضي على الباب فما زال يتلافى ذاك بأنواع البر ورأيت بيده في كتابه عن أحمد بن سعيد الجمال عن قبيصة عن الثوري عن عبيد الله بن عمر عن نافع عن بن عمر نهى عن بيع الولاء وكان يكذب.
253 وذكرنا بحضرته وحضرة أبي الحسين بن المظفر حديث مالك عن الزهري عن أنس فشهدا جميعا أنهما قرآه في أصل كتاب سعيد بن كثير عن غفير في قرطاس فإنه غريب صحيح وقال أبو الحسين حدثناه بن أخي بن عفير من أصل كتاب عمه عبيد الله بن سعيد.‏
254 وذكرت له بن العطار وهو علي بن الحسين الرصافي فذكر من إدخاله على الشيوخ شيئا فوق الوصف فإنه أشهد عليه واتخذ محضرا بأحاديث أدخلها على دعلج بن أحمد.‏
255 قلت لأبي الحسن في حديث أبي عبد الرحمن عن الشعبي عن النعمان بن بشير فقال هو القاسم بن الوليد الهمداني.‏
256 قلت فأبو محمد الذي في حديث عبادة فقال اسمه.‏
257 قال لي أبو الحسن كتبت عن بن الديبلي بمكة قلت لا قال حدثني عن محمد بن علي بن زيد الصائغ ثنا أحمد بن محمد القواس ثنا أبو سعيد مولى بني هاشم ثنا حماد بن سلمة عن أبي التياح عن أنس عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم تقتل عمارا الفئة الباغية وقال لي حدثنا إسماعيل بن محمد الصفار ثنا العباس بن محمد الدوري ثنا أبو بكر بن أبي الأسود ثنا بن علية ثنا أيوب عن عبد الله بن زياد بن سمعان يحرف ذكر أنه في تأريخ أبي بكر الأسود قال بلى بن فاطمة كذاب يضع الحديث.‏
258 ومحمد بن عكاشة يضع الحديث.‏
259 معلى بن هلال يضع الحديث.‏
260 عثمان بن مقسم لا شيء.‏
261 دراج أبو السمح ضعيف ألقيت عليه حديث شعبة عن عمرو بن يحيى قال الحديث الحسن هكذا يكون.‏
262 ذكر بعض مشايخنا من أهل بغداد فقال لم يوفق للانتخاب قلت لعله لبدعة يعتقدها قال أتيت به فذكرت حكاية بن عيينة في المبتدعين وكذلك المفترين فقال هو عندي على هذا الفسق عن أبي قلابة.‏
263 قلت لأبي الحسن احتج أبو عبد الرحمن النسائي بسهيل بن أبي صالح فقال إي والله حدثني الوزير أبو الفضل جعفر بن الفضل قال سمعت أبا بكر محمد بن موسى بن المأمون الهاشمي يقول سمعت رجلا يسأل أبا عبد الرحمن ما عندك من سهيل بن أبي صالح فقال له أبو عبد الرحمن سهيل بن أبي صالح خير من فليح بن سليمان وسهيل بن أبي صالح خير من أبي اليمان وسهيل بن صالح خير من إسماعيل بن أبي أويس وسهيل خير من حبيب المعلم وسهيل أحب إلينا من عمرو بن أبي عمرو وذكر حكاية في إسماعيل بن أبي أويس بغيضة لا ينبغي أن تذكر فإنها بغيضة.‏
264 سألت أبا الحسن عن عبد الله بن محمد بن جعفر القزويني المحدث بمصر فقال كذاب يضع الحديث وضع لعمرو بن الحارث أكثر من مائة حديث وقال لي أبو إسحاق النسائي أفسده علينا بن المظفر قلت وكيف قال كان يحدثنا ولم يقف على حاله حتى جاء فقال أين حديث المصريين عمرو بن الحارث وغيره من هؤلاء فوقع في هذه البلايا.‏
265 سئل عن تدليس بن جريح فقال يتجنب تدليسه فإنه وحش التدليس لا يدلس إلا فيما سمعه من مجروح مثل إبراهيم بن أبي يحيى وموسى بن عبيدة وغيرهما فأما بن عيينة فإنه يدلس عن الثقات وكان أبو بكر النيسابوري حدثنا عن يوسف بن سعيد بن مسلم عن حجاج عن بن جريح عن أبي الزبير عن جابر عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم لا تنكح المرأة على عمتها ولا على خالتها يقرأ عليه في بن جريح حدثكم يحيى بن أبي طالب نا روح ثنا بن جريح ومضى على ذلك وذكر هذا الحديث في الجامع لأبي طالب فقال لا والله ما حدث به يحيى بن أبي طالب ولا روح ثم قال يا علي بن أبي النجاد قم إلى حلقة الشافعي فسا سأل النيسابوري عنه وقام علي بن النجاد فقال له يا سيدي حدثت عن يحيى بن أبي طالب عن روح عن بن جريج عن أبي الزبير عن جابر عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم لاتنكح المرأة على عمتها ولا على خالتها فقال لا والله ما حدثت بهذا قط ثم دعا بالكتاب الذي قرأ فيه حتى ضرب عليه ثم قال حديث أبي الزبير عن جابر إنما حدثنا به يوسف بن سعيد بن مسلم ثنا حجاج عن بن جريج عن أبي الزبير عن طاوس عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم حدثنا أبو أمية نا أبو عاصم عن بن جريج عن أبي الزبير عن طاوس عن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم وهو صحيح.‏
266 سمعت أبا الحسن يقول هاشم بن البريد ثقة مأمون.‏
267 وهو أبو علي بن هاشم بن الشهيد كذاب.‏
268 وسمعته يقول عن شيوخه أنهم رأوا الخضر بن أبان يروي عن أبي معاوية وأبي بكر بن عياش والناس من كتاب فاستلوه من يده فإذا هو سماعه من أحمد بن عبد الله بن يونس عن هؤلاء الشيوخ ترك أحمد بن يونس من الوسط وحدث عنهم.‏
269 قلت لعلي بن عمر إبراهيم السكسكي لم ترك مسلم حديثه قال تكلم فيه يحيى بن سعيد قلت بحجة قال هو ضعيف قلت لعل مسلم لم يحتج إليه ضرورة.‏
270 قلت فإبراهيم بن أبي الوزير قال ثقة وليس في حديثه ما يخالف الثقات.‏
271 قلت فإبراهيم بن سويد النخعي قال هو قليل الحديث وليس في حديثه شيء ينكر إنما هو حديث السهو وحديث الرفا.‏
272 قلت فإبراهيم المهاجر فقال ضعفوه تكلم فيه يحيى القطان وغيره قلت بحجة قال بلى حدث بأحاديث لا يتابع عليها قد غمزه شعبة أيضا.‏
273 قلت فإبراهيم بن عقبة قال وعندي أن مسلم قد أخرجه وليس فيه.‏
274 قلت فإبراهيم بن أبي عبلة فقال الطرقات إليه ليس تصفوا وهو بنفسه ثقة لا يخالف الثقات إذا روى عنه ثقة.‏
275 قلت فلم يذكر في الصحيح عن إبراهيم بن زياد سبلان فقال ما أعرف في سبلان إلا خيرًا.
276 قلت فإسماعيل بن مجالد قال ليس فيه شك إنه ضعيف.‏
277 قلت فإسماعيل بن إبراهيم بن عقبة قال ما علمت إلا خيرا أحاديثه صحاح نقية.‏
278 قلت فإسماعيل بن أبان ما حاله قال قد أثنى عليه أحمد بن حنبل وليس بالقوي عندي قلت من هذا المذهب قال المذهب وغيره فإن أحاديثه ليست بالصافية.‏
279 قلت فإسحاق بن راشد الجزري قال تكلموا في سماعه من الزهري وقالوا إنه وجده في كتاب والقول عندي قول مسلم بن الحجاج فيه.‏
280 قلت فإسحاق بن قال أحاديثه صالحة والبخاري يستشهده ولا يعتمده في الأصول.‏
281 قلت فإسحاق بن محمد الفروي قال ضعيف تكلموا فيه قالوا فيه كل قول.‏
282 قلت فأيوب بن سليمان بن بلال قال ليس به بأس إنما هي صحيفة عنده ومسلم لم يدركه ولم يذكر عن رجل عنه.‏
283 قلت فأمية بن خالد قال ما علمت فيه إلا خيرا.‏
284 قلت فأبي بن العباس بن سهل بن سعد قال هذا تكلموا فيه.‏
285 قلت فأسامة بن زيد قال قد كان يحيى القطان حدث عنه ثم تركه وقال إنه حدث عن عطاء عن جابر أن النبي صلى الله عليه وسلم قال منى كلها منحر فقال يحيى إشهدوا علي أني تركت حديثه قلت وهذا احتج به مسلم وتركه البخاري.‏
286 قلت فأيمن بن نابل قال ليس بالقوي خالف الناس ولو لم يكن إلا حديث التشهد خالفه الليث وعمرو بن الحارث وزكريا بن خالد عن أبي الزبير.‏
287 قلت فالأزرق بن قيس قال ثقة مأمون.‏
288 قلت فبكر بن عمرو المعافري قال ينظر في أمره.‏
289 قلت فبشير بن كعب قال هذا ثقة جليس بن عباس وعمران بن حصين وقد أخرج عنه مسلم.‏
290 قلت فبشر بن بكر التنيسي قال ليس به بأس ما علمت إلا خيرا.‏
291 قلت فبدل بن المحبر قال ضعيف حدث عن زائدة بحديث لم يتابع عليه حديث لعبد الله بن محمد بن عقيل عن بن عمر عن عمر.‏
292 قلت فبشر بن ثابت البزار قال ليس به بأس إستغنى عنه مسلم بغيره وليس بالأثبات من أصحاب شعبة.‏
293 قلت فبشر بن آدم قال ليس بالقوي قلت له عن شيء قال نعم.‏
294 قلت فثابت بن محمد لصاحب قال ليس بالقوي لايضبط هو يخطىء في أحاديث كثيرة.‏
295 قلت فالحسن بن عمرو الفقيمي قال رأيت يحيى القطان يقدمه على الحسن بن عبيد الله وليس به بأس.‏
296 قلت فالحسن بن عبد الغزيز الجروي قال فوق الثقة جبل لم نر مثله فضلا وزهدا قلت مسلم لم يخرج عنه قال لا لأنه لم يكتب عنه.‏
297 قلت فحماد بن الجعد قال جرحه عبد الرحمن بن مهدي وقال كان جاري وقال لم يكن يدري أيش يقول.‏
298 قلت فالحارث بن يزيد العكلي قال الحارث ليس به بأس تكلموا في المذهب.‏
299 وأبو عمر الحوصي قال ثقة ثقة يلي أبو عمر الضرير الذي خرجه علي بن المديني كلاهما يرويان عن شعبة وأبو عمر الدوري أيضا يقال له الضرير وهو ضعيف وللمصريين شيخ يقال له أبو عمر المازني حفص بن عمر يحدث عن شعبة وسعيد حدث عنه أبو قلابة وغير.‏
300 قلت فحميد بن الأسود قال لا بأس به.‏
301 قلت فحسان بن أبي عباد قال هذا ليس بالقوي.‏
302 قلت فحسان بن حسان الواسطي قال ليس بالقوي يخالف الثقات ويتفرد عن الثقات مالا يتابع عليه قال وليس هذا بحسان الذي روى عنه البخاري فإن ذلك هو حسان بن حسان بن أبي عباد يروي عن همام وما أعرف له عن شعبة شيئا وقد روى البخاري عن حسان بن عبد الله الواسطي كان بمصر يروي عن المفضل بن فضالة وهؤلاء.‏
303 قلت فحصين بن محمد السالمي البصري يروي عنه الزهري قال ثقة إنما حكى عنه الزهري حديثين.‏
304 قلت فخالد بن عبد الرحمن عن غالب القطان قال هذا يقال له بن بكير ما به بأس.‏
305 قلت فأبو خلدة خالد بن دينار قال ثقة.‏
306 قلت خالد بن سعيد بن عمرو بن سعيد قال قد أخرج عنه وعن أخيه إسحاق وليس بهما بأس.‏
307 قلت فخالد بن أسلم مولى عمر قال ثقة إنما له حديثين وليس بالمكثر.‏
308 قلت فخالد بن يزيد الكاهلي قال هو الطبيب ليس به بأس.‏
309 قلت فخالد بن خلي الحمصي قال هذا ليس له شيء منكر.‏
310 قلت فإبنه قال ليس به بأس.‏
311 قلت فخليفة بن خياط قال ما أعرفه وإنما أراد بن خياط فقال قد جرحوه.‏
312 فقلت فخلاد بن يحيى قال خلاد ثقة إنما أخطأ في حديث واحد حديث الثوري عن إسماعيل عن عمرو بن حريث عن عمر فرفعه وأوقفه الناس.‏
313 قلت فخطاب بن عثمان الفوزي قال ثقة.‏
314 قلت فخلاس بن عمرو قال قالوا هو صحفي فما كان من حديثه عن أبي رافع عن أبي هربرة أحتمل فأما عن علي وعثمان فلا.‏
315 قلت فداود بن أبي الفرات قال ليس به بأس أخرج البخاري عنه حديث أبي الأسود خالفوه فيه وفي النفس من هذا الحديث شيء.‏
316 قلت فداود بن شبيب البصري قال ما علمت إلا خيرا.‏
317 قلت فذكوان مولى عائشة قال ثقة حدث عنه الزهري وابن أبي مليكة.‏
318 قلت فربيعة بن أبي عبد الله بن الهدير قال هو قليل المسند تابعي كبير.‏
319 قلت فالربيع بن يحيى الأشناني قال ليس بالقوي يروي عن الثوري عن بن المنكدر عن جابر الجميع بين الوقوف هذا يسقط مائة ألف حديث.‏
320 قلت فزياد الأعلم قال هو قليل الحديث جدا إشتهر بحديث زادك الله حرصا ولاتعد وفيه إرسال لأن الحسن لم يسمع من أبي بكرة.‏
321 قلت فزياد بن جبير بن حية قال ليس به بأس هو الثقفي وهو والد الجبير من البصرة.‏
322 قلت فزياد بن الربيع قال أبو خداش اليحمدي أثنى عليه أحمد بن حنبل.‏
323 قلت فأبو هاشم زياد بن أيوب قال ثقة مأمون حدثنا أبو العباس الفضل بن أحمد بن منصور الزبيدي المقرىء قال سمعت أحمد بن حنبل يقول اكتبوا عن زياد فإنه شعبة الصغير.‏
324 قلت فزيد بن واقد قال فيه شيء في الشاميين.‏
325 قلت فزيد بن رباح قال ثقة.‏
326 قلت فزيد بن أخزم الطائي قال ثقة وبما لم يكتب عنه مسلم.‏
327 قلت فزيد بن نافع المصري قال لا أعرفه.‏
328 قلت فزبير بن المنذر بن أبي أسيد قال هذا مدني ليس به بأس.‏
329 قلت فأبو السكين الكلابي زكريا بن يحيى قال هو الطائي كوفي ليس بالقوي يحدث بأحاديث ليست بمضيئة.‏
330 قلت فزهرة بن معبد أبي عقيل قال ثقة.‏
331 قلت فسعيد بن زيد أخو حماد بن زيد قال ضعيف تكلم فيه يحيى بن القطان.‏
332 قلت فسعدويه الواسطي قال تكلموا فيه.‏
333 فأما سعيد بن سليمان النشيطي فإ نه ذاهب.‏
334 قلت فسعيد بن عبيد الله الثقفي قال هذا بن عبيد الله بن جبير بن حية وليس بالقوي يحدث بأحاديث يسندها ويوقفها غيره.‏
335 قلت فسعيد بن تليد الرعيني قال هذا مصري ليس به بأس وهو بن عيسى بن تليد.‏
336 قلت فسعيد بن شرحبيل قال وهذا أيضا مصري ليس به بأس.‏
337 قلت فأبو سفيان سعيد بن يحيى الحميري قال هذا متوسط الحال ليس بالقوي.‏
338 قلت فسليمان بن حبيب قال المحاربي قلت بلى قال ليس به بأس تابعي مستقيم.‏
339 قلت فسليمان بن بنت شرحبيل قال ثقة قلت أليس عنده مناكير قال يحدث بها عن قوم ضعفاء فأما هو فهو ثقة.‏
340 قلت فسعد بن حفص الطلحي كوفي قال هذا ثقة يحدث عن شيبان وغيره.‏
341 قلت فسلمة بن صالح قال ثقة.‏
342 قلت فسلمة بن رجاء قال ينفرد عن الثقات بأحاديث.‏
343 قلت فسالم الأفطس قال ثقة يجمع حديثه.‏
344 قلت فسفيان التمار العصفري قال ليس به بأس.‏
345 قلت فسهل بن بكار قال ثقة.‏
346 قلت فسنان أبو ربيعة قال ليس بالقوي.‏
347 قلت فسريج بن النعمان الجوهري قال ثقة مأمون.‏
348 بن قتيبة قال ثقة.‏
349 قلت فسعد ان بن بشر أبو مجاهد قال ليس بالقوي.‏
350 قلت فسهل بن يوسف قال ثقة.‏
351 قلت فسعيد بن يحيى اللخمي قال ليس بذاك.‏
352 قلت فسيدان بن مضارب قال ليس به بأس.‏
353 قلت فشبيب بن سعيد قال ثقة.‏
354 قلت فشريح بن مسلمة قال ثقة.‏
355 قلت فشبل بن عباد المكي قال ثقة.‏
356 قلت فشعيب بن حرب قال ثقة.‏
357 قلت فشهاب بن عباد قال صدوق زائغ.‏
358 قلت فشاذان بن عثمان قال ثقة.‏
359 قلت فشيبة عن عمر قال شيبة بن عثمان الحجبي لا يسأل عنه.‏
360 قلت فالصلت بن محمد الخاركي قال ثقة.‏
361 قلت فطلحة بن عبد الله بن عوف قالثقة.‏
362 قلت فطلحة بن عبد الملك قال ثقة مخرج في الصحيح.‏
363 قلت فطلق بن غنام قال ثقة.‏
364 قلت فأبو تميمة طريف قالثقة.‏
365 قلت فطلحة بن يحيى التيمي قال ثقة.‏
366 قلت فطارق بن عبد الرحمن البجلي قال ثقة.‏
367 قلت فعبد الله بن بكر السهمي قال ثقة مأمون.‏
368 قلت فعبد الله بن الوليد العدني قال ثقة مأمون.‏
369 قلت فعبد الله بن وديعة قال ثقة.‏
370 فعبد الله بن سالم الحمصي قال ثقة.‏
371 قلت فعبد الله بن عمر النميري قال ثقة محتج به في كتاب البخاري.‏
372 قلت فعبد الله بن العلاء بن زبر قال ثقة يجمع حديثه.‏
373 قلت فعبد الله بن يحيى البرلسي قال مجهول.‏
374 قلت فعبد الله بن عمران قال ثقة.‏
375 قلت فعبد الله بن عبيدة بن نشيط قال ثقة.‏
376 قلت فعبد الله بن محمد النفيلي قال ثقة مأمون يحتج به.‏
377 قلت فعبد الله بن المثنى الأنصاري قال ثقة حجة.‏
378 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن خالد بن مسافر قال ثقة حجة.‏
379 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن عبد الله بن دينار قال إنما حدث بأحاديث يسيرة وقد احتج البخاري به وغمزه يحيى بن سعيد.‏
380 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن محمد المحاربي قال ثقة.‏
381 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن أبي الموالي قال ثقة.‏
382 قلت فالشعيثي عبد الرحمن بن حماد قال ثقة.‏
383 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن شيبة المدني قال ثقة.‏
384 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن المغيرة قال مدني صدوق.‏
385 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن يزيد بن جارية قال ثقة.‏
386 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن غزوان قال قراد ثقة وله أفراد.‏
387 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن غنم الأشعري قال تابعي ثقة.‏
388 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن الأسود بن عبد يغوث قال تابعي ثقة.‏
389 قلت فعبد الرحمن بن إبراهيم دحيم قال ثقة.‏
390 قلت فأبو قيس الأ ودي بن ثروان قال ثقة.‏
391 قلت فعبد الملك بن سعيد بن جبير قال عزيز الحديث ثقة.‏
392 قلت فعبد الملك بن إبراهيم الجدي قال ثقة.‏
393 قلت فعبيد الله بن سعد الزهري قال ثقة.‏
394 فعبد العزيز بن عبد الله الأويسي قال ثقة.‏
395 قلت فعبد الأعلى بن واصل أبو عبيدة قال ثقة.‏
396 قلت فعبد الحميد كاتب الأوزاعي قال ثقة.‏
397 فعبد المتعالي بن طالب قال ثقة من أهل بغداد.‏
398 قلت فعبد الغفار بن داود الحراني قال ثقة.‏
399 قلت فعبد الواحد بن كعب النصري قال ثقة.‏
400 قلت فعبد السلام بن حرب قال ثقة حجة.‏
401 قلت فعبد السلام بن مطهر قال ثقة.‏
402 قلت فعبد القدوس الحجابي قال ثقة.‏
403 قلت فعمر بن ذر قال ثقة.‏
404 قلت فإبن التل عمر قال ثقة.‏
405 قلت فعثمان بن فرقد قال العطار يخالف الثقات.‏
406 قلت فعثمان بن عبد الله بن سراقة قال ثقة.‏
407 قلت فعثمان بن عمير البجلي قال زائغ لم يحتج به.‏
408 قلت فعثمان بن الهيثم المؤذن قال صدوق كثير الخطأ.‏
409 قلت فعثمان بن صالح المصري قال ثقة.‏
410 قلت فعلي بن عبد الحميد المعني قال ثقة.‏
411 قلت فعلي بن الجعد قال ثقة.‏
412 قلت فعلي بن الحكم البناني قال ثقة يجمع حديثه.‏
413 قلت فعلي بن الحكم المروزي قال ثقة روى عنه البخاري.‏
414 قلت فعلي بن سويد بن منجوف قال ثقة.‏
415 قلت فعلي بن عياش الحمصي قال ثقة حجة.‏
416 قلت فعلي بن يحيى بن خلاد قال الزرقي ثقة.‏
417 قلت فعلي بن مسلم الطوسي قال ثقة.‏
418 قلت فعلي بن الأقمر قال تابعي ثقة.‏
419 قلت فعمرو بن خالد قال ثقة حجة.‏
420 قلت فعمرو بن يحيى بن سعيد بن العاص قال مخرج في الصحيح.‏
421 قلت فعمرو بن العباس الباهلي قال ثقة.‏
419 قلت فعمرو بن خالد قال ثقة حجة.‏
420 قلت فعمرو بن يحيى بن سعيد بن العاص قال مخرج في الصحيح.‏
421 قلت فعمرو بن العباس الباهلي قال ثقة.‏
422 قلت فعمرو بن الربيع بن طارق قال ثقة.‏
423 قلت فعمرو بن مرزوق قال صدوق كثير الوهم.‏
424 قلت فعباد بن منصور قال ليس بالقوي.‏
425 قلت فعباد بن يعقوب الرواجني قال شيعي صدوق.‏
426 قلت فالعلاء بن عبد الجبار العطار قال ثقة.‏
427 قلت فعمران بن ميسرة قال ثقة.‏
428 قلت فعبد بن إسماعيل الكوفي قال ثقة.‏
429 قلت فعاصم بن علي قال صدوق.‏
430 قلت فعثمان بن أبي رواد قال ثقة.‏
431 قلت فعقبة بن عبيد الكوفي قال ليس به بأس.‏
432 قلت فعثمان بن عبد الرحمن التميمي قال ليس بالقوي.‏
433 قلت فعنبسة بن سعيد بن العاص قال ثقة.‏
434 قلت فعبيدة بن حميد قال ثقة.‏
435 قلت فعامر بن مصعب قال ليس بالقوي.‏
436 قلت فعثام بن علي العامري قال ثقة.‏
437 قلت فعاصم بن يوسف اليربوعي قال ثقة.‏
438 قلت فعيسى بن طهمان قال صدوق.‏
439 قلت فعبدة بن عبد الله الصفار قال ثقة.‏
440 قلت فالعباس بن الوليد النرسي قال ثقة.‏
441 قلت فعقبة بن وساج قال ثقة.‏
442 قلت فعتاب بن بشير الحراني قال ثقة.‏
443 قلت فأبو شهاب الحناط قال ثقة.‏
444 قلت فعباد بن موسى الختلي قال صدوق.‏
445 قلت فعمران القطان قال كثير الوهم والمخالفة.‏
446 قلت فعمارة بن أبي حفصة قال ثقة.‏
447 قلت فعوف بن أبي جميلة قال ليس بذاك.‏
448 قلت فعطاء بن السائب قال تركوه.‏
449 قلت ففروة بن أبي المغراء قال ثقة.‏
450 قلت فالفضل بن يعقوب الرخامي قال ثقة حافظ.‏
451 قلت ففضل بن مساور ختن أبي عوانة قال ثقة.‏
452 قلت فالفضل بن عنبسة قال ثقة.‏
453 قلت ففضل بن العلاء قال كثير الوهم.‏
454 قلت ففطر بن خليفة قال زائغ لم يحتج به.‏
455 قلت فالقاسم بن يحيى بن مقدم قال ثقة.‏
456 قلت فقيس بن حفص الدارمي قال ثقة.‏
457 قلت فقريش بن حيان قال ثقة.‏
458 قلت فقطن أبو الهيثم قال ليس بذاك.‏
459 قلت فقرة بن حبيب قال ثقة.‏
460 قلت فكثير بن فرقد قال ثقة حجة مدني.‏
461 قلت فكليب من رواية عبد الواحد بن زياد عنه قال كليب بن وائل ثقة.‏
462 قلت فكهمس بن المنهال قال ثقة.‏
463 قلت محمد بن عبيد الله أبو ثابت المدني قال ثقة مأمون.‏
464 قلت محمد بن سنان العوقي قال حجة ثقة.‏
465 قلت فمحمد بن فليح بن سليمان قال ثقة‏.‏
466 قلت فمحمد بن الحسن بن التل قال ثقة.‏
467 قلت فمحمد بن إبراهيم بن دينار قال ثقة مخرج في الصحيح.‏
468 قلت فأبو هلال الراسبي قال ثقة.‏
469 قلت فأبو يحيى صاعقة قال حافظ ثبت.‏
470 قلت محمد بن محبوب قال ثقة.‏
471 قلت محمد بن عبد الرحمن الطفاوي قال قد احتج به البخاري.‏
472 قلت فمحمد بن ينعقد الغفاري قال ثقة.‏
473 قلت فمحمد بن الصلت أبو يعلى قال ثقة.‏
474 قلت فمحمد بن عيسى بن الطباع قال إمام حجة.‏
475 قلت فمحمد بن خالد الوهبي قال ثقة.‏
476 قلت فمحمد بن موسى بن أعين قال ثقة.‏
477 قلت فمحمد بن أبي عتيق المدني قال ثقة.‏
478 قلت فمحمد بن أبي المجالد قال ثقة.‏
479 قلت فمحمد بن أبي يعقوب الكرماني قال ثقة.‏
476 قلت فمحمد بن موسى بن أعين قال ثقة.‏
477 قلت فمحمد بن أبي عتيق المدني قال ثقة.‏
478 قلت فمحمد بن أبي المجالد قال ثقة.‏
479 قلت فمحمد بن أبي يعقوب الكرماني قال ثقة.‏
480 قلت فأبو غسان محمد بن يحيى الكناني قال حجة.‏
481 قلت فمحمد بن حمير قال قد وثقه بعض مشايخنا وجرحه بعضهم.‏
482 قلت فمحمد بن وهب بن عطية قال ثقة.‏
483 قلت فموسى بن أعين قال ثقة.‏
484 قلت فالمنهال بن عمرو قال صدوق.‏
485 قلت فأبو حذيفة موسى بن مسعود قال قد خرجه البخاري وهو كثير الوهم.‏
486 قلت فمحمد بن خليفة قال ثقة.‏
487 قلت فمكي بن إبراهيم قال ثقة مأمون.‏
488 قلت فمطر بن الفضل قال ثقة.‏
489 قلت فميمون بن سياه قال محتج به في الصحيح.‏
490 قلت فمنصور بن سعد قال كمثله.‏
491 قلت فمعاذ بن عبد الرحمن بن حبيب قال ليس بذاك.‏
492 قلت فمؤمل بن إسماعيل قال صدوق كثير الخطأ.‏
493 قلت فمطرف بن عبد الله رواية مالك قال ثقة.‏
494 قلت فمعن بن محمد الطفاوي قال ثقة.‏
495 قلت فمروان بن شجاع قال ثقة.‏
496 قلت فمعاوية بن إسحاق قال ثقة.‏
497 قلت فمقسم مولى بن عباس قال تابعي ثقة.‏
498 قلت فمالك بن سعير بن الخمس قال صدوق.‏
499 قلت فمرجى بن رجاء قال ثقة.‏
500 قلت فمقدم بن محمد بن يحيى قال ثقة.‏
501 قلت فالنزال بن سبرة قال تابعي كبير.‏
502 قلت فنصير بن أبي الأشعث قال عزيز الحديث ثقة.‏
503 قلت فنعيم بن حماد قال إمام في السنة كثير الوهم.‏
504 قلت فالوليد بن عبد الرحمن الجارودي قال ثقة.‏
505 قلت فهلال بن علي قال ثقة محتج به.‏
506 قلت فهشام بن يوسف الصنعاني قال ثقة مأمون.‏
503 قلت فنعيم بن حماد قال إمام في السنة كثير الوهم.‏
504 قلت فالوليد بن عبد الرحمن الجارودي قال ثقة.‏
505 قلت فهلال بن علي قال ثقة محتج به.‏
506 قلت فهشام بن يوسف الصنعاني قال ثقة مأمون.‏
507 قلت فهشام بن عمار قال صدوق كبير المحل.‏
508 قلت فهزيل بن شرحبيل قال ثقة.‏
509 قلت فهريم بن سفيان البجلي قال صدوق.‏
510 قلت فيحيى بن قزعة قال ثقة.‏
511 قلت فيحيى بن كثير الحريري قال ثقة.‏
512 قلت فأبو مروان الغساني قال ثقة.‏
513 قلت فيحيى بن عبد الملك بن أبي غنية قال صدوق.‏
514 قلت فيحيى بن سليمان الجعفي قال ثقة.‏
515 قلت فأبو كدينة يحيى بن المهلب قال ضعيف.‏
516 قلت فيحيى بن يوسف الزمي قال ثقة.‏
517 قلت فيوسف بن أبي إسحاق السبيعي قال ثقة.‏
518 قلت فيزيد بن محمد القرشي عن محمد بن عمرو بن.‏
519 قلت فيزيد بن أبي حكيم العدني قال ثقة.‏
520 قلت فيزيد بن أبي حكيم الشامي قال ليس بذاك.‏
521 قلت فيونس الإسكاف عن قتادة قال قد خرجه البخاري.‏
522 قلت فيونس بن القاسم أبو عمر اليمامي قال ثقة.‏
521 قلت فيونس الإسكاف عن قتادة قال قد خرجه البخاري.‏
522 قلت فيونس بن القاسم أبو عمر اليمامي قال ثقة.‏
523 معت أبا الحسن يقول حدثني الوزير أبو الفضل عن محمد بن موسى بن المأمون عن أبي عبد الرحمن النسائي قال الذي في موطأ مالك أنه عن القاسم وسالم وابن شهاب يشبه أحاديث مخرمة بن بكير والذي يقول في كتابه الثقة عن بكير يشبه أن يكون عمرو بن الحارث والله أعلم ولو كان مخرمة ضعيفا لم يرضه مالك أن يأخذ منه شيئا لأن مالكا لا نعلمه روى عن إنسان ضعيف مشهور يضعف إلا عاصم بن عبيد الله فإنه روى عنه حديثا وعن عمرو بن أبي عمرو وهو أصلح من عاصم وعن شريك إن أبي نمر وهو أصلح من عمرو بن أبي عمرو في الحديث ولا نعلم مالكا روى عن أحد يترك عبد الكريم بن أبي المخارق أبي أمية البصري والله أعلم ولا نعلم في هذا الباب مثل من مالك بن أنس رحمة الله والله أعلم آخر الكتاب والحمد لله رب العالمين زيادات أبي سعيد مسعود بن علي السجزي ثم ترجمة أحمد بن عبد الجبار.‏
524 قال أخبرنا الحاكم أبو عبد الله قال سمعت القاضي محمد بن صالح يحكي الحكاية على وجهها عن أبي الطيب بن الحسين بن حميد بن الربيع ويذكر عن شيوخة أنهم لم يشكوا في صدق أحمد بن عبد الجبار.‏
525 قال وسألته عن أحمد بن سعيد أبي عبد الله الجمال فقال بن سعيد بن زياد لا بأس به.‏
526 قلت فأبو إسماعيل الترمذي محمد بن إسماعيل فقال ثقة صدوق قلت بلغني أن أبا حاتم الرازي تكلم فيه فقال هو ثقة.‏
527 وسألته يعني الدارقطني عن أبي بكر بن أبي العوام الريحاني فقال صدوق.‏
528 قال وسألته عن محمد بن إسحاق أبي جعفر الخراز.‏
529 قال وسألته عن محمد بن يوسف الكديمي وإن جماعه من مشايخنا أثنوا عليه فقال متروك.‏
530 وسألته يعني الدارقطني عن الحارث بن أبي أسامه فقال اختلف فيه أصحابنا وهو عندي صدوق.‏
531 حدثني أبو عبد الله الحاكم ثنا علي بن حمشاذ ثنا محمد بن نعيم ثنا أيوب وبكر بن خلف ختن المقري ثنا محمد بن بكر البرساني ثنا عثمان بن أبي رواد قال سمعت الزهري يقول دخلت على أنس بن مالك بالشام أو بدمشق وهو وحده وهو يبكي فقلت ما يبكيك قال لا أعرف مما كنا عليه إلا هذه الصلاة وهذه الصلاة قد أضيعت‏.‏
آخره والحمد لله رب العالمين وصلى الله على سيدنا وآله وسلم وحسبنا الله ونعم الوكيل